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DEC 8 1970 







R. E. COMBS, Counsel 

Virginia Anderson, Secretary Mary E. Albright, Secretary 

Published by the 


President of the Senate 


President pro Tempore Secretary 

*- 30 / . /iT~ 

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[ 1 * 11 $ 

* 70 " 15 



No inference of subversive affiliation or activity should 
be made solely because the name of a person, organiza- 
tion, or publication, is mentioned in this report. 

Previous reports are now out of print, but may be 
found in the reference rooms of public libraries in Cali- 

( 3 ) 


This 1970 report of the Senate Fact-Finding Subcom- 
mittee on Un-American Activities is the last it will be 
my privilege to submit as the subcommittee’s chairman. 

My work as a member of this committee and its pred- 
ecessor committees for some 30 years, and as its chair- 
man the past 20 years, has been among my most reward- 
ing service in the 34 years I have been a member of our 
State Legislature. 

As an Assemblyman, I was honored by appointment as 
a member of the Joint Fact-Finding Conmiittee on Un- 
American Activities in 1941, and ultimately to the Sen- 
ate Fact-Finding Subcommittee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities when it was created in 1947. 

Obviously I was honored when I was selected as chair- 
man of the Senate committee in 1949, and I felt my 
colleagues had conferred upon me a great trust and 
privilege to serve. 

The rewards of this service have been many and sat- 
isfying, despite vicious attacks by subversive groups 
throughout the country and by the left-wing and ultra- 
liberal press. 

Offsetting these continuing attacks has been the sup- 
port of a vast majority of my fellow Americans, includ- 
ing but not limited to the members of veterans’ organiza- 
tions, patriotic groups and the business and industrial 

For this strength-giving support, I am grateful, and 
I am sure that I am correct in expressing the gratitude 
of the legislators who have served with me on these 
committees over the years. 

Now the time has come for me to pass the leadership 
in this vitally important work to another Senator. 

It is my hope the Senate will continue this committee, 
or a like committee, so that the important work begun 
some 30 years ago can be continued as a safeguard to 
our State and Nation. We must continue to advise the 

( 4 ) 

Legislature, and the citizens of our great State, of the 
dangers of uncontrolled and sometimes ignored sub- 

Your Fact-Finding Subcommittee on Un-American 
Activities has been a leader and an example for other 
Legislatures in the field of reasonable, effective investi- 
gation of subversion. It has been one of the very few 
vehicles available for advising the public, our citizens, 
and our officials of the details of the threat from Un- 
American activities by both the extremists of the left 
and those of the right. 

Your committee has kept the spotlight of publicity 
firmly on subversion by the Communist world conspiracy 
and from other sources as no other governmental agency 
has been able to do. 

Only by continuing to recognize and publicize subver- 
sion can such activities, in the long-run, be countered. 

It has been a privilege and an honor to participate' 
in this American activity. 

Hugh M. Burns 

( 5 ) 


Senate Chamber, State Capitol 
Sacramento, August 3, 1970 

Honorable Ed Reinecke 
President of the Senate, and 
Gentlemen of the Senate 

Senate Chamber, Sacramento, California 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate: Pur- 
suant to Senate Rules Resolution No. 7, amended De- 
cember 10, 1969, under authority of Rule 12.5 of the 
Standing Rules of the Senate, the Senate Fact-Finding 
Subcommittee on Un-American Activities of the General 
Research Committee was created and the following Mem- 
bers of the Senate were appointed to said subcommittee 
by the Senate Committee on Rules: Senators Hugh M. 
Burns, Chairman, Richard J. Dolwig, John F. McCarthy, 
H. L. Richardson and Jack Schrade. 

The committee herewith submits a report of its investi- 
gation and findings. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Hugh M. Burns, Chairman 
John F. McCarthy 
Richard J. Dolwig 
H. L. Richardson, 

Jack Schrade 

( 6 ) 



Foreword 3 

A Final Word From the Chairman 4 

Letter of Transmittal — 6 

Introduction 13 

Dow Action Committee — 13 

Peace Action Council 17 

Leadership of Peace Action Council , 22 

Meetings and Activities 23 

United Front Control Protested 25 

Participation at Montreal Conference 31 

Activities, 1969-1970 36 

Photo-Exhibits 39-42 

Peace and Freedom Party 43 

Origin and Early Activities 43 

Coalition With Black Panther Party 48 

Peace and Freedom Party Qualifies for Ballot 49 

The Candidates 51 

Headquarters Moved to Pink House 52 

Trouble at the Pink House 53 

Southern California Clubs 54 

Skeleton Organization Maintained- 56 

Photo-Exhibits 60-65 

Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights 66 

Office and Sponsors _ 68 

Annual Conferences 68 

Photo Exhibits 73-76 

The New Left School •. 77 

The Faculty 82 

Photo-Exhibit 87 

Movement to Abolish Committees on Un-American Activities 88 

Growth and Activities 92 

National Conference, 1967 94 

Post- Conference Staff Meeting 100 

Tenth National Committee Meeting 102 

Personnel and Leadership 108 

Photo-Exhibits 112-115 

The Communist Party, U. S. A 116 

The National Party 116 

National Leadership 119 

The General Secretary, CPUSA 119 

International Connections 124 

Force and Violence 129 

The Youth Division 134 

Communist Party of California 136 

The San Joaquin Valley 142 

Agricultural Organization 144 


CONTENTS— Continued 


Militant North-Critical South 149 

Gus Hall Arrives in California 158 

Political Liquidation of Dorothy Healey 158 

Attack on Labor 161 

Propaganda 167 

Photo-Exhibits 174-176 

Progressive Labor Party 216 

Local Meetings 188 

Photo Exhibits 192-194 

Students for a Democratic Society 195 

Visit of Karl Dietrick Wolff— German SDS 201 

Infiltration of Labor 203 

The 1969 Convention 206 

SDS Force and Violence 209 

Photo-Exhibits 192-194 

Socialist Workers Party 216 

Organization and Publications 218 

Militant Labor Forums 219 

CP-SWP Rivalry 220 

Photo-Exhibits 226-228 

Racial Minority Groups 229 

The Black Panther Party 231 

Photo-Exhibits 249-257 

Peace and Freedom Party Candidate 232 

From Peking to Moscow 233 

Friends of the Panthers 233 

Friends of the Panthers Meetings 235 

United Front Against Fascism 237 

Robert F. Williams and the Revolutionary Action Movement 243 

Ron Karenga 246 

Mike Laski and the CP-(M-L)__ 247 

The Brown Berets 258 

Demonstrations 261 

Trouble at Coachella 262 

Organization and Personnel 263 

Chinese Red Guards 264 

Photo-Exhibits 268-269 

The Revolutionary Union 265 

Right Extremist Groups 270 

National States Rights Party 270 

The Minutemen 271 

Photo-Exhibits 273-274 

American Nazi Party 275 

Photo-Exhibits 279-282 


The Cleaver Course 284 

Bettina Aptheker Article 285 

Dominant Role of Communist Party 287 

Photo-Exhibit 289 

( 8 ). 


When the 1964 demonstrations at the Berkeley campus 
of the University of California occurred the public was 
incredulous, angry and confident that the trouble would 
be quickly handled by the authorities. But the trouble 
was not handled quickly, or at all. Instead it mounted 
in intensity and then spread from campus to campus 
throughout the State and across the country. At first a 
typical united front action, as that device is utilized in 
Communist circles, it developed into a para-military 
activity with its own propaganda, its own underground 
presses, its own tough and experienced leadership. 

We may allude here to the fact that we had warned 
that trouble was brewing at Berkeley. We said so in 
our published reports and We gave the reasons. 

On Page 89 of our 1961 report, under the heading, 
“Approaching Crisis on the Campus,” we stated that 
“Quick to take advantage of the slightest opportunity, 
the Communist Party in California is now solidifying its 
position so far as the indoctrination and recruitment of 
youth is concerned. From sources that we consider 
eminently reliable, we have learned that the United Front 
movement we described in our 1959 report will be em- 
ployed in this effort to manipulate the numerous radical 
student organizations on the various campuses of our 
state university, at private institutions and in our state 
and junior colleges, into collaboration with Communist 
fronts and other groups that are in sympathy with the 
general Communist line.” 

Our use of the term United Front was ridiculed as 
nonsense, but we now have complete proof that this is 
precisely the device that was used, and that it is still 
being used by a number of groups that we have investi- 
gated recently, including the Black Panther Party. 

In the May 31, 1968, issue of The Black Panther, the 
organization’s official publication, there is an official call 
for people to attend the United Front Against Fascism 
conference in Oakland July 18-20, 1968. And on pages 
12 and 13 of that publication is a reprint of the entire 

( 9 ) 

United Front speech delivered by Georgi Dimitroffi in 
the Soviet Union in 1935. 

The Dimitroffi speech and excerpts therefrom were re- 
peated in following issues of The Black Panther publica- 

It is obviously impossible to fight subversion without 
some understanding of the techniques and strategies it 
employs. Since the 1964 Berkeley rebellion, the united 
front tactic has ^een used again and again, each time 
with considerable success, by various subversive groups 
that have been especially active since the issuance of our 
last report in 1967. 

It will be the purpose here to trace the nature and 
activities of these various groups, together with their 
leadership and their relationships with other organiza- 
tions. It is not our intention to present any detailed ac- 
count of the various disturbances and demonstrations 
that occurred throughout the State, especially in southern 
California, during the past two years. We will discuss 
those that were of particular significance, but for the 
most part these disturbances were adequately treated in 
the press and other news media and do not warrant 
additional discussion here. 

It is an axiom of the dialetic principle that every ac- 
tion engenders a reaction. Dialetic materialism is the 
basis of Marxian ideology, and we may observe in passing 
that Marx did not originate this concept. He borrowed it 
from the German philosopher Hegel, who in turn bor- 
rowed it from the Greek philosopher Sophocles. It is not 
peculiar to Marxism but has been modified and embraced 
by Marxists ever since the Communist Manifesto was 
promulgated in 1848. In our own state, the epidemic of 
violence on our campuses and in our streets, the destruc- 
tion of buildings owned by the state, the insults and physi- 
cal attacks against educational administrators, and the 
mounting campaign to defy all public authority, as might 
be expected, produced counteraction in many areas of our 
society. In general it has disgusted the vast majority of 
our people, has moved the Legislature to enact stern 
measures to deal with the situation, it has provoked in- 
creased activities on the part of law enforcement agencies, 
and, which is more important to our present discussion, 


it has brought into existence a whole series of ultra-right, 
semi-vigilante type organizations that we shall hereafter 
describe in detail. 

Ten years ago the Communist front organizations that 
were active in California had been in existence for a num- 
ber of years. Their leaders were well-known, their activ- 
ities stereotyped, and they operated on a permanent basis. 
We have described them in our previous reports, such 
large Communist-dominated organizations as the Civil 
Eights Congress, the Joint Anti-Facist Eefugee Com- 
mittee, and the Citizens Committee to Preserve American 
Freedoms — to cite a few examples. At the other end of 
the political spectrum of extremist organizations was the 
National States Eights Party, the Ku Klux Klan, the 
Minutemen, and the American Nazi Party. 

In those days there were only two Communist organiza- 
tions operating in the United States that posed any real 
threat. One was the Communist Party of the United 
States, and the other was the Socialist Workers Party, 
or Trotskyist Party. Both are now more active than ever, 
and, as we shall hereafter indicate, it is our view that the 
Communist Party of the United States by quietly reach- 
ing into and assuming control of other organizations, 
presents a more serious threat than at any time in its 
history of more than 50 years. 

When we issued a report concerning the disturbances 
at Berkeley, we were ridiculed from many quarters be- 
cause we ascribed the disturbances to some hardcore Com- 
munist leaders. We very much doubt that anyone now 
would dispute that during those demonstrations of 1964 
there was a united front collaboration between the So- 
cialist Workers Party, the Communist Party, and a wide 
variety of smaller but Marxist-oriented groups, such as 
the Progressive Labor Party, Spartacist League, and 
small student groups that came and went as the situation 

It will be our purpose in this report to first discuss 
the major organizations that function with Communist 
leadership and with Communist control, and that are now 
active in California. We will then describe some of the 
organizations of the extreme right. 


These estimates and evaluations have been gained 
through contacts with police departments, sheriff’s offices, 
the California Department of Criminal Identification and 
Investigation, and other concerned official agencies. In all 
instances, we have been accorded complete and thorough 
cooperation, for which we are grateful, and which allows 
us to present an accurate estimate of subversive opera- 
tions and. conditions in the southerly and most populous 
portion of our state. 

Thereafter it will be our purpose to similarly give an 
estimate of the situation in the Bay area. Lack of facil- 
ities has prevented us from making a survey of the north- 
ern California counties, but in considering the fact that 
they are remotely located from large metropolitan areas 
and have relatively small populations, we have found that 
there is also an extremely low incidence of subversive 
activities that diminishes the farther one proceeds toward 
the Oregon border. 

( 12 ) 


Dow Action Committee 

The Dow Committee was created during the early 
months of 1968. At first it held its meetings at 555 North 
Western Avenue, Los Angeles, in quarters that were also 
being used by the Peace Action Committee, another major 
organization which will be discussed later. The purpose 
of forming this organization was to protest against the 
manufacture of Napalm by the Dow Chemical Company 
which then maintained its southern California offices at 
2600 Wilshire Boulevard. During the three years of its 
existence, the Dow Action Committee staged several dem- 
onstrations in front of the Dow Chemical Company office, 
and participated in united front demonstrations through- 
out the southern part of the State, with many other orga- 
nizations that were either under Communist domination, 
or were strongly oriented towards Marxism. We are 
fortunate in having copies of the minutes and other offi- 
cial documents of Dow Action Committee, obtained for 
us by members to whom they were freely circulated. 

Represented in the membership of the Dow Action 
Committee were officers of the Socialist Workers Party, 
or Trotskyist organization ; the Student Mobilization 
Committee; Veterans for Peace; Communist Party; Pro- 
gressive Labor Party; Peace Action Council, and many 
other smaller but extremely militant organizations. By 
March 1968 the organization had its new headquarters 
at 746 South Alvarado Street, Los Angeles, Room 9, and 
on Monday, March 4, 1968, at 8:00 P. M., it held its gen- 
eral membership meeting at that address. One of the 
early leaders of the organization was Oscar Coover, 
whom we have identified in several of our previous re- 
ports, as one of the officers and leaders of the Socialist 
Workers Party, or Trotskyite group, in Los Angeles, 
We should once more make it clear that the only differ- 
ence between the Communist Party of the United States 
and the Trotskyist Communists lies in their ideological 

( 13 ) 



differences and their animosity toward each other. They 
will occasionally participate in joint activities through 
some united front movement, but the implacable hatred 
that stems from the bitter campaign of Joseph Stalin 
against Leon Trotsky and which culminated in the assas- 
sination of the latter at his Mexican refuge in the sum- 
mer of 1940, still lingers and has provoked personal en- 
counters of violence between Communists and Trotskyists 
in the past several years. This deep rivalry between the 
two Communist organizations has resulted in strenuous 
efforts on the part of each to take over any organization 
in which both are represented. Usually, because of the 
superior numbers and the more subtle techniques em- 
ployed by the Communist Party of the United States, it 
has managed to prevail. 

Quoting from the minutes of the Dow Action Commit- 
tee meeting of February 19, 1968, we find that on the 
agenda were the following items: 

“Report of action, February 16, 1968; SDS (Stu- 
dents for Democratic Society) conference report; 
Mass Action Committee report; Boycott Committee 
report; Education and Research Committee report; 
Publicity Committee report; Fund Raising Commit- 
tee report; Office; New Business, and Announce- 

At the meeting of February 13, 1968, it was obvious 
that the influence of the Trotskyists had become so power-, 
ful that the matter was openly discussed at the meeting, 
and it was decided that a united front approach should 
be adopted, and that no one faction in the organization 
should be permitted to dominate its activities. At the 
meeting of March 11, 1968, Mr. Coover was elected chair- 
man, and in the announcement for the next meeting, 
which was to be held on March 18, it was stated that 
there would be a demonstration and picket line in support 
of H. Rap Brown at the new Federal building, 300 North 
Los Angeles Street, Los Angeles. The announcement re- 
quested members of the Dow Action Committee to be 
present and participate, and this was the beginning of 
its interest in a variety of activities that had nothing 
whatever to do with the Dow Chemical Company or gny 
of its products. 


Among the organizations that received support from 
Dow Action Committee were Southern Conference Edu- 
cational Fund, 8247i Blackburn Avenue, Los Angeles, 
California 90048. This organization and its Communist 
infiltration has been discussed in other reports. Similar 
support was given to the United Farm Workers Organiz- 
ing Committee ; The Peace Action Council, a Communist- 
controlled front organization; Students for a Democratic 
Society; Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, 
and also the same organization after it had dropped the 
“ Non-Violent” from its name; Student Mobilization 
Committee; San Gabriel Valley Veterans for Peace, and 
Liberation University, 1400 West Jefferson Boulevard, 
Los Angeles, 90007, at which guerrilla warfare and Marx- 
ism were featured among the other courses. 

This was nothing new so far as the activist organiza- 
tions of the extreme left are concerned. It will be de- 
veloped as our description of the other organizations is 
set forth, that it was an exceptional occurrence if mem- 
bers from all the activist groups did not join in partici- 
pating in demonstrations, picket lines, sit-ins, marches, 
pressure tactics and propagandizing — usually under the 
guise of peace. 

In 1969 headquarters for the Dow Action Committee 
was at 619 South Bonnie Brae Street, Los Angeles, 90057. 
Its organization during that year was considerably in- 
creased and expanded, although it occasionally met in 
other quarters. For example, the meeting on February 19 
was held in Room 101, Berendo Junior High School, at 
1157 South Berendo, Los Angeles. Members frequently 
brought guests to meetings of the committee, and in some 
of its demonstrations there was close collaboration with 
such well-known Communist Party members as Nemmy 
Sparks, Dorothy Healey, Ben Dobbs, and Irving Sarnoff. 
Mr. Sarnoff, as will be seen, is the leading official in the 
Peace Action Council, one of the largest and most active of 
the Communist-controlled front organizations now oper- 
ating in California. He was present at a meeting of the 
Dow Action Committee as a guest on June 3, 1968, and at- 
tended meetings thereafter from time to time. During the 
latter part of March 1968, the secretary of the Dow Ac- 
tion Committee reported at a membership meeting that 
Irving Sarnofir had gone to Chicago for the purpose of 



helping to arrange demonstrations there, and at the meet- 
ing held August 12 of that year at 619 South Bonnie Brae 
Street, Los Angeles, Morris Kight explained the disrup- 
tion tactics that were to be followed at the Democratic 
National Convention in Chicago. He declared, in the 
presence of those assembled, that J erry Rubin was to lead 
his followers in a “wear-down” tactic on a 24-hour basis 
preceding the convention. The purpose of this tactic was 
to erode police efficiency and follow the pre-convention 
confrontations with seven other major demonstrations, in 
which the Rubin followers were to be assisted by the 
Chicago Anti-Draft Resistance. Three members from the 
Dow Action Committee were to go to Chicago, and those 
delegated were Morris Kight, Marcia Silverstein and 
James Boggio. Upon arrival they were housed in a fra- 
ternity house at the University of Chicago, but soon were 
summarily ejected because they persisted in propagandiz- 
ing for Black Power. This description was the substance 
of a report by Morris Kight, both by telephone from Chi- 
cago, and later to a regular meeting of the Dow Action 

By January 1969, a great many members of the Dow 
Action Committee began to lose interest in the proceed- 
ings and spent their time attending meetings of other 
similar organizations which they considered more dy- 
namic and productive. The Dow Action Committee was a 
regular affiliate of the Peace Action Council, headed by 
Mr. Sarnoff, paid monthly dues to the Council, and, as 
many Council members were also affiliated with the Dow 
Action Committee, there were often conflicts in meeting 
dates and participation in demonstrations. Students for a 
Democratic Society also shared office space in the same 
building as the Dow Action Committee and similar orga- 
nizations, but by February 1969 had allowed mail to accu- 
mulate and neglected to pay for their rent, telephone bills, 
and other expenses that originally were to be shared by 
the various organizations that occupied the premises. 

In a communication dated January 12, 1969, the Dow 
Action Committee declared that its expenses were exceed- 
ing income and requested assistance from other groups 
“in the Freedom Movement”. At the same time internal 
dissensions that are characteristic of these organizations 
were plaguing Dow Action Committee, and evidence of 



impatience and disillusionment were being expressed in 
written statements from leading members. The April 1969 
issue of Peace Happenings , announced that “We have 
been meeting at one another’s homes since our move from 
619 (South Bonnie Brae). Those wishing to attend the 
main meeting, call to get the address, ’ ’ and four telephone 
numbers were listed. 

The Dow Action Committee provides an excellent ex- 
ample of an organization which was started for a specific 
purpose, to stage demonstrations and campaigns against 
the manufacturer of Napalm. But, almost from its incep- 
tion the group attracted publicly-known Communists, 
such as Oscar Coover of the Trotskyist Socialist Workers 
Party, and thenceforth the organization widened its activ- 
ities and participated in demonstrations with a variety of 
other groups, collaborated with numerous functionaries 
of the Communist Party and sent its delegates to par- 
ticipate in activities in Chicago, San Francisco and 
various other communities in California. 

We must make it clear, as we have in previous reports, 
that not all of the members of the Dow Action Committee 
were Communists, which is true of all front organiza- 
tions. But from affidavits of members, from reports of 
agents, from the written documents in our possession 
that were issued to members and to the public, the true 
character of the Dow Action Committee is established. 
It actively collaborated with, and included in its mem- 
bership, leaders of subversive Communist organizations, 
and it actively cooperated with subversive groups during 
the entire period of its existence. By February 1970, the 
Dow Action Committee had ceased to function. Its mem- 
bers, as will be seen, drifted into various other organiza- 
tions, particularly the Peace Action Council, which has 
its headquarters in Los Angeles, and which is one of the 
most active and largest Communist-dominated organiza- 
tions now operating. 

Peace Action Council 

Communists have always found it handy to advocate 
peace for all non-Communist governments unless they 
fought for and not against a Communist regime. The 
principle of just and unjust wars is almost as old as 
Marxism itself. According to the Marxist definition, an 


imperialist war is one which the world Communist move- 
ment opposes; a peoples war is one it favors. World War 
II was therefore branded as imperialist until the invasion 
of the Soviet Union in June 1941, and thereupon became 
a peoples war against fascism. During the peoples war 
period the Communist line was to obtain a maximum of 
military assistance from the United States. Prior to that 
time and during the existence of the Non- Aggression 
Pact, the line called for massive peace activities in this 
country and an effort to reduce its military preparedness. 
Thus from the inception of the Non- Aggression Pact in 
1939 until it was breached by Germany by its inva- 
sion of Russia in 1941, peace fronts were proliferating 
throughout the United States. The two most important 
were the American Peace Crusade and the American 
Peace Mobilization. 

In California the Peace Crusade was launched on June 
8, 1940, and among its early officers were Don Healey 
and Phillip M. Connelly. Raphael Konigsberg acted as 
the coordinator for the California Peace Crusade in the 
44th Assembly District. (1948 California Report, pages. 
160, 161.) 

After World War II these peace fronts became dor- 
mant, but were quickly reactivated with the attempted 
seizure of the South Korean regime by North Korean 
Communists, and with the invasion of South Vietnam by 
the Vietnamese Communists from the north, and United 
States participation in both conflicts. According to the 
Marxian definition these were imperialist struggles, and 
all Communists were obliged to resist the American 
forces with demonstrations, propaganda and all resources 
at their command. 

Accordingly, the Southern California Peace Crusade 
was activated in 1951, and continued its activities into 
July 1956. The notice of its dissolution was dated July 
21 i956, and signed by Vicki Landish, executive director. 

Miss Landish, whose married name was Fromkin when 
she testified before us in 1950, stated that she was a 
graduate of the University of California at Berkeley, 
and the evidence submitted in connection with her ap- 
pearance established she had been an organizer for the 
Young Communist League in the East Bay area and 
devoted virtually all of her time to the youth adjuncts 



of the Communist Party. The name of the young Com- 
munist organization has been changed from time to time 
— American Youth for Democracy, Labor Youth League, 
DuBois Clubs of America — but the changes have had lit- 
tle effect on the nature of activities of the youth move- 
ment of the Communist Party in the United States. The 
Evidence which was presented at the 1950 hearing also 
established that in 1944 the witness attended the first 
California State convention of American Youth for 
Democracy at 1631 West Adams Street, Los Angeles; 
that in 1946 she was listed as an officer of American 
Youth for Democracy in a letter signed by its executive 
secretary, Myer Freiden. In that letter he gave the offi- 
cers as: Chairman, Jeanette Salve; Recording Secretary, 
Lee Herendeen ; Student Secretary, Vicki Landish ; offices 
situated at 408 South Spring Street, Los Angeles. (See 
1948 California Report, page 185 ; letter from Myer Frei- 
den, dated January 8, 1946.) 

In 1947 Miss Landish was the executive secretary for 
American Youth for Democracy in Los Angeles, and in 
the following year was a state officer in that organiza- 
tion, with headquarters situated at 1201 South Alvarado 
Street, Los Angeles. (See 1948 California Report, pages 
184, 185, 188; 1951 report, pages 24, 26, 29, 32). 

Shortly after the Peace Action Council was activated, 
it opened its 1967 office at 555 North Western Avenue, 
Room 3, Los Angeles, 90004, and its by-laws were 
adopted on September 27 of that year. Article II pro- 
vided that “the Executive Board shall be composed of 
piembers elected by the following organizations, in the 
number indicated: 

Student Mobilization Committee 3 

Draft Resistance Groups (organization not yet designated) 1 

Women’s Strike for Peace 1 

Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom 1 

Women for Legislative Action 1 

Emma Lazarus Jewish Women’s Clubs 1 

East Los Angeles Peace Center 1 

(additional from the Mexican- American Community, orga- 
nizations not yet designated) lor more 

The Black Community (organizations not yet designated) _ 1 or more 

SANE Trade Union Committee 1 

Trade Unionist for Peace 1 

Physicians for Social Responsibility 1 

University Committee oh Vietnam 1 



Valley Peace Center 2 

West Side Committee of Concern 1 

Long Beach Citizens for Peace 1 

San Gabriel Valley Emergency Comm 1 

Orange County Peace and Human Rights Council 1 

Assembly of Men and Women of the Arts 1 

American Friends Service Committee 1 

Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam 1 

It will be noted that this list of organizations did not 
include the Communist Party or the Socialist Workers 
Party, Trotskyite Communists, Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society, or any specific racial minority extremist 
group. There were a total of 21 organizations affiliated 
through the Peace Action Council, the list growing to 
77 affiliated organizations by 1969. 

As an indication of the growth of the Peace Action 
Council between 1967 and 1969, we set forth from its 
own official records a list of the 1969 affiliated organiza- 

“American Mental Health Professionals Acting for 
Peace ; 

Assembly of Men and Women in the Arts Concerned 
With Vietnam; 

California Federation of Young Democrats; 

Californians for Liberal Representation; 

Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam; 

Committee Council for Opposition to the War in VieL 

Communist Party; 

Community Council — Claremont ; 

Dow Action Committee; 

East San Gabriel Valley Emergency Council; 

East Side Information Center; 

Echo Park — Silver Lake Neighbors for Peace; 

Fellowship for Social Justice of the First Unitarian 
Church (Los Angeles) ; 

Glendale Anti-War Committee; 

Humanist Association of Los Angeles; 

Independent Young Democrats of San Fernando 

Los Angeles Committee for Defense of the Bill of 
Rights ; 



Los Angeles Jewish Cultural and Fraternal Order; 

Los Angeles Friends of the Minority of One; 

Labor Assembly for Peace; 

Emma Lazarus Jewish Women’s Club Assembly for 
Peace ; 

Emma Lazarus Jewish Women’s Clubs (Los Angeles 
Council, Hollywood Chapter, Mid-town Chapter, 
Oreska Chapter, Wilshire Chapter) ; 

Long Beach Citizens for Peace ; 

Malibu Discussion and Action Group ; 

Northeast Peace Committee; 

Orange County Committee to End the War; 

Orange County Peace and Human Rights Council ; 

Pasadena Emergency Council ; 

Peace and Freedom Party, County Council, Forum 
Club, Hollywood Hills Club ; 

Peace Happenings ; 

Physicians for Social Responsibility ; 

San Fernando Valley Committee of Concern; 

San Gabriel Valley Emergency Council ; 

Socialist Parties ; 

Socialist Workers Party; 

Social Workers for Peace ; 

South Bay Peace Council ; 

Southland Jewish Organization, (Freedom Chapter) ; 

Students for a Democratic Society ; 

Teachers for Peace in Vietnam ; 

Trade Unionists for Peace ; 

University Committee on Vietnam; 

Valley Peace Center ; 

Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade ; 

Vietnam Summers ; 

War Resistors; 

War Resistors League; 

West San Gabriel Valley Emergency Council; 

West Side Committee of Concern on Vietnam, Council, 
Beverly Hills Chapter, Beverly Wood Chapter, 
Brentwood Chapter, Mar Vista and West Los An- 
geles, Pacific Palisades, Santa Monica, West Holly- 

Womens International League for Peace and Freedom, 
Los Angeles Chapter, Pasadena Chapter, San Ga- 
briel Chapter, Southern California District Council; 


Women for Legislative Action, Council, Central Chap- 
ter, Day Chapter, Evening Chapter, Valley Chapter, 
Valley Evening Chapter, West Chapter; 

Womens Strike for Peace, Council, Centinela-South- 
Bay Harbor, Los Angeles-Beverly Hills, Laurel Can- 
yon, San Fernando Valley, Santa Monica-Venice, 
West Los Angeles, Whittier; 

Young Socialist Alliance.” 

Leadership of Peace Action Council 

We have seen that one of the first officers in the Re- 
activated Peace Organization in Los Angeles was Don 
R. Healey. Identified as a member of the Communist 
Party by several witnesses, Mr. Healey has engaged 
in Communist activities since the late 30 ’s. He married 
Dorothy Ray in 1941, was secretary of the Communist- 
dominated Labors Non-Partisan League in Los Angeles, 
and worked on a publication called Age of Treason, which 
was published by the American Peace Crusade during 
World War II. He was assisted by Philip M. Connelly, 
who became Dorothy Healey’s husband after she divorced 
Don Healey, and who also has been identified several 
times as a member of the Communist Party. Both of these 
men worked with Raphael Konigsberg, who was pre- 
vented from becoming a member of the California State 
Bar Association because, having passed the Bar exam- 
ination, he refused to state whether or not he was a 
member of the Communist Party. He was formerly an 
officer in a Communist front organization which we 
described in our 1963 report, and which was known as 
the Citizens Committee for the Preservation of American 
Freedoms. Frank Wilkinson, another identified Commu- 
nist and head of another front organization now operat- 
ing nationwide from its base in Los Angeles, was also 
an officer of this organization. Indeed, Konigsberg suc- 
ceeded Wilkinson as its executive secretary and has acted 
as treasurer for the Peace Action Council. 

Probably the most important member of this orga- 
nization, however, is Irving Sarnoff, its chairman. Mr. 
Sarnoff’s record as a Communist is both long and im- 
pressive, and we can do no better than quote from an 
official publication of the House Committee on Un-Amer- 
ican Activities issued on April 3, 1959, page 50 of which 



describes Mr. Sarnoff ’s activities and affiliations as fol- 

. “Sarnoff is a member of the District Council, Com- 
munist Party, Southern California. He has been 
extremely active in Communist youth organizations, 
the American Youth for Democracy, and the suc- 
cessor organization, the Labor Youth League. In 
1956 he was labor director of Los Angeles County 
Labor Youth League; member of the executive com- 
mittee, Labor Youth League; and in 1957 a delegate 
to the California State Labor Youth League Con- 
vention. He was a delegate to three Communist Party 
conventions in 1957, the Los Angeles County Con- 
vention, the California State Convention, and the 
Southern California District Convention. Sarnoff was 
born on May 25, 1930, in New York City. 

Sarnoff appeared as a witness before the Com- 
mittee on September 5, 1958, and invoked the Fifth 
Amendment in response to questions concerning his 
Communist membership and activity. Occupation: 
Railroad car inspector.” 

Sophie Silver was a faithful member of the Peace Ac- 
tion Council, and was usually present at its membership 
meetings. From the same source from which we quoted 
the record of Mr. Sarnoff, we give a similar record con- 
cerning Mrs. Silver : 

“Mrs. Silver was born Schewe Czeczelnitzki (Chel- 
nick) on September 22, 1899, in Novay, Russia. She 
arrived in the United States on January 13, 1913, 
at Port of Philadelphia, Pa. She was naturalized 
in New York City on November 4, 1943. Mrs. Silver 
is a member of the District Council, Communist 
Party, Southern District of California. She was a 
delegate to and attended the Los Angeles County 
Communist Party Convention on January 5-6, 1957, 
the State Convention of the Communist Party on 
January 19-20, 1957, and the Southern California 
District Convention on April 13-14, 1957. In 1953, 
1954 and 1955, she was a member of the Review Com- 
mission, Juarez division of the Communist Party. 
The Review Commission was commonly referred to 
as a Disciplinary Commission, a Commission com- 



posed of Communist Party members who review cases 
of Communists charged with activity considered to 
be detrimental to the Communist program. It is 
within the purview of the Review Commission to 
render disciplinary action or recommend expulsion 
from the Communist Party. 

Mrs. Silver appeared as a witness before the Com- 
mittee on September 4, 1958, and invoked the Fifth 
Amendment in response to questions concerning 
Communist Party membership and activity. Occupa- 
tion: Needle trades worker.” 

Meetings and Activities 

Each member organization of the Peace Action Council 
paid $10.00 per annum as dues, and the affairs of the 
Council were conducted by an Executive Board, em- 
powered to “formulate and recommend policies and ac- 
tivities to the Council and carry out all activities dele- 
gated to it by the Council.” (Peace Action Council By- 

Actually, however, the organization is operated by a 
steering committee consisting of the “elected officers, a 
staff member, and 3 other designated members of the 
executive board.” As we shall soon demonstrate, since 
the steering committee was always dominated by the mem- 
bers of the Communist Party, and since the Peace Action 
Council effectively squelched all complaints against this 
concentration of power, it was, from its very inception* 
operated as a front under the complete domination of 
the Communist Party. 

By October 1967 the Unitarian Fellowship for Social 
Justice of the First Unitarian Church in Los Angeles 
had become an affiliated member of the Peace Action 
Council. This was an important move, since a wide 
variety of similar organizations had long been in the 
habit of meeting at the Unitarian Church facilities at 
2936 West Eighth Street, Los Angeles. The moving spirit 
of the Unitarian fellowship was Martin Hall, who also 
played a leading role in the affairs of the Peace Action 
Council, was regularly present at its meetings, and, as 
we shall see, played a vital role in arranging trips abroad 
for officers of the organization who attended meetings 
behind the Iron Curtain. 



Mr. Hall appeared as a witness before us in Los 
Angeles in 1954, and as a result of that bearing it was 
learned that he was born in Germany and christened 
Karl Adolf Rudolf Herman J acobs. He entered the 
United States in 1937, legally changed his name to Marti# 
Hall in 1938, and became a citizen of this country in 
1945. Hall invoked the protection of the Fifth Amend- 
ment in responding to all questions concerning his alleged 
Communist membership and his activities in Germany. 
From other sources, however, it is learned that he was a 
leading member of the Communist underground in Ger- 
many before he came to the United States, was later active 
in the Communist-dominated Fair Play for Cuba Commit- 
tee, and visited Cuba in August, 1960. (Peoples World, 
August 6, 1960). Hall was also a delegate to the World 
Congress for General Disarmament and Peace, Moscow, 
July 9 to 14, 1962, under the auspices of World Peace 
Council, an international Communist front organization. 
He addressed the Economic Commission, Moscow Con- 
gress, and has been described by Benjamin Gitlow, one 
of the top leaders of the Communist Party of the United 
States during its early years and a member of the Com- 
munist International, as one of the leading figures in the 
German Communist underground. (See Gitlow testimony, 
House Committee on Un-American Activities, July 7, 
1953 ; House Committee Hearings, April 26 and 27, 1962 ; 
House Committee Report, November 2, 1962). 

As the membership of the Peace Action Council 
steadily grew larger, it held its smaller meetings at the 
regular office at 555 North Western Avenue, but its larger 
meetings were invariably held in the facilities of the First 
Unitarian Church of Los Angeles, an accommodation 
easily arranged by Mr. Hall, who exercised his influence 
as the Director of the Unitarian Fellowship for Social 

United Front Control Protested 

By May 22, 1968, the Dow Action Committee, and 
especially some of its Trotskyist Communist members, 
became dissatisfied with the continued operation of the 
Peace Action Council by the same small group dominated 
by Sarnoffi, Konigsberg and Hall and their supporters. 
The Dow Action Committee accordingly filed a four-pag6 



complaint, in which it advocated the abolition of steering 
and executive committees, and asked that the Council 
itself make its own policy decisions. “It has become pain- 
fully apparent,” declared the statement on page 3, “that 
only a few leaders have developed in the Council.” Per- 
haps the key paragraph in the document was that which 
was headed “Political Parties.” It read as follows: 

“We do think it unfair to all the parties concerned 
that vast ignorance exists about the political motiva- 
tion of some of the people involved; that the Estab- 
lishment condemns the loyal workers in the Council 
for their alleged political association as being too 
radical, and that within the Council itself few know 
that these people represent ideas long out of style 
and downright conservative, if not reactionary. We 
deplore the fact that these splinter relics of ancient 
political and economic concepts have used the Coun- 
cil as a battleground on which to carry out their ego 
games and revisionist and deviationist tactics.” 

In the Dow Action Committee, as in the Peace Action 
Council, there were Stalinists, Trotskyists, Maoists, and 
a variety of lesser Communist groups — but in none was 
the control more firmly entrenched than by Sarnoff and 
his supporters in the Peace Action Council. In all united 
front movements, the activity commences with a broad- 
base following, then at the proper time a small group 
solidifies itself in power. A steering committee was pre- 
cisely as important to the Peace Action Council as it had 
been to the Free Speech Movement at Berkeley in 1964, 
and for precisely the same reason. It is simply an integral 
and vital element in any Communist united front opera- 
tion, as promulgated by Georgi Dimitroff, the inventor 
of this ingenious and highly efficient device. (See 1965 
California Report, page 116, et seq.) 

The Dow Action Committee lacked the tough, disci- 
plined and experienced leadership that headed the Peace 
Action Council. From that time on its strength dwindled 
and it finally expired, as we have seen. But the Council 
gained in strength and in influence. The complaints that 
were made produced no results whatever, and the com- 
plete control of Sarnoff and his associates over the Peace 
Action Council has continued stronger than ever. Indeed', 



at the meeting held on June 26 1968, it was officially 
determined that the executive board should continue as 
the key administrative body of the organization. 

It is obvious that if the accredited delegates and a 
few members from each of the affiliate organizations, 
comprising the Peace Action Council, attended its mem- 
bership meetings, even the facilities at the First Uni- 
tarian Church would be inadequate, and the assemblies 
would have to move to an auditorium. Actually the attend- 
ance at the meetings was rarely more than 30 to 40 people, 
but as will be seen when we describe a series of key meet- 
ings, representatives from the various Communist orga- 
nizations were invariably present. At these meetings there 
was a literature table on which appeared propaganda 
publications from Students for a Democratic Society, the 
grape boycott of Cesar Chavez, various veterans groups 
opposed to the war in Vienam, and propaganda material 
from the Communist Party and various front organiza- 
tions, but very little from the Trotskyist branch of the 
Communist movement, although its representatives per- 
sisted in attending the membership meetings. 

Probably the most faithful member of the Council, 
other than Sarnoffi, was Donald Kalish, head of the De- 
partment of Philosophy at the University of California 
at Los Angeles. He has achieved considerable notoriety in 
connection with his insistence that Angela Davis, al- 
though an admitted member of the Communist Party, 
be allowed to teach a course at the state-supported insti- 
tution for credit. Mr. Kalish, who was instrumental in 
employing Angela Davis, has been listed as a co-chairman 
with Sarnoffi of the Peace Action Council, and has made 
several trips to Chicago, as well as to other states, in the 
interest of the Council and some of its affiliated organi- 
zations. At the meeting held on May 22 1968, and at 
which the Sarnoffi leadership was attacked, Kalish at- 
tracted considerable attention when his chair broke and 
he fell to the floor. This provoked considerable amuse- 
ment on the part of some of his associates, but its diver- 
sionary effect was not sufficient to prevent the leadership 
from closing ranks and shunting aside the criticisms. At 
this meeting, held at the First Unitarian Church, Sar- 
noffi, Konigsberg and Kalish were present, as well as 
Martin Hall, Mike McCabe, representing the Young 



Socialist Alliance, youth section of the Trotskyist Com- 
munists, and Mike Klonsky, who was at that time the 
National Field Secretary for Students for a Democratic 
Society. Frank Wilkinson’s National Committee to Abol- 
ish the House Committee on Un-American Activities was 
also represented by Betty Rottger, who has been active 
in a number of other front organizations and who regu- 
larly attended the Council meetings. 

At the meeting held on June 12, 1968, Sarnoff, Konigs- 
berg, Hall, and Mike McCabe were also present. And at 
the meeting held on July 17, 1968, at 555 North Western 
Avenue, Los Angeles, plans were formulated for the 
picketing of Vice-President Humphrey when he arrived 
in Los Angeles. Sarnoff stated he had an informant in 
Humphrey’s local group, and was informed concerning 
the itinerary. The motion to picket was made by Konigs- 
berg, but the United States Secret Service was alerted 
that same night by informants who also regularly at- 
tended the meetings of the Peace Action Council for 
various governmental agencies. 

At the meeting held on July 18, which was a general 
meeting as contrasted to the small meeting held at the 
North Western Avenue premises the evening before, 
Sarnoff, Kalish, Konigsberg, Robert Klonsky (Mike’s 
father), and Betty Rottger were present. Miss Rottger 
stated that she understood Humphrey’s visit had been 
canceled, but Sarnoff telephoned his local contact and 
reported that the visit to Kansas was the one that had 
been canceled, not the one to Los Angeles. At this same 
membership meeting, Kalish was elected to attend the 
National Mobilization Committee Convention at Cleve- 
land, Ohio, as a delegate, and was scheduled to depart 
Los Angeles on the following day. The Mobilization Com- 
mittee Convention was originally scheduled for Chicago, 
but at the last moment switched to Cleveland where it 
considered there were better facilities to plan demon- 
strations. The Anti-Humphrey demonstration was held 
on schedule at the Century-Plaza Hotel in Los Angeles 
on Sunday, July 28, 1968, and 3,500 demonstrators par- 
ticipated, w T hich is some indication of the broad influence 
of the Peace Action Council in Southern California. 

On August 22 1968, a special meeting was called for 
the purpose of discussing “police brutality” during the 
Century-Plaza demonstration. This meeting was held at 



the First Unitarian Church and approximately 200 people 
were present. Irving Sarnoft acted as chairman, and the 
meeting was also attended by Rose Chernin, Mike McCabe 
and Nemmy Sparks. We cite these people for the purpose 
of indicating the type of top control and support that 
characterized the Peace Action Council during all of its 
activities. Rose Chernin has repeatedly been identified as 
an important member of the Communist party. For years 
she was Executive Director of an old and firmly estab- 
lished front organization known as the Los Angeles 
Committee for Protection of the Foreign Born. Recently 
the name of the organization has been changed to the 
Los Angeles Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights, 
with its office located at 326 West Third Street, Room 
318, Los Angeles, 90013. This organization has for its 
prime purpose the providing of bail and legal services 
for members of subversive organizations who become en- 
tangled with our laws. Mike McCabe we have already 
mentioned as a national officer of Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society, and Nemmy Sparks has long been iden- 
tified as a top member of the Communist organization in 
Southern California. Quoting from the House of Repre- 
sentatives Report, issued on April 3, 1959, page 31, we 
find this concerning Sparks’ background: 

“Sparks was born Nehemiah Ish-Kishor on March 
6, 1899, in London, England. He received derivative 
citizenship on December 13, 1913, in New York City 
by virtue of the naturalization of his father. He is a 
member of the Executive Board of the Southern 
California District Council and Legislative Director 
for the party’s Southern California district. He 
joined the Communist Party in 1922. In 1930, he was 
in Moscow, Russia, as one of the American repre- 
sentatives at an International Trade Union Congress. 
He has held various positions in the Communist 
Party throughout the United States — member of the 
District Executive Committee, Seattle, Wash.; Dis- 
trict organizer, Pittsburgh, Pa.; District organizer, 
Boston, Mass.; Instructor, Workers School in New 
York City ; chairman, Communist Party in Wisconsin ; 
alternate member, National Committee, Co mm unist 
Political Association. In 1945 he was transferred by 
the Communist Party from Wisconsin to Los Angeles 



and replaced Carl Winter as head of the Communist 
Party in Los Angeles County. Since his arrival in 
Los Angeles he has held numerous functionary posi- 
tions in the Communist Party on the County, State 
and District levels. Occupation: Professional Com- 
munist.” (See Report on the Southern California 
District of the Communist Party, House of Repre- 
sentatives Committee on Un-Arnerican Activities, 
April 3, 1959). 

One of the results of this meeting on police brutality 
was a decision to mount another demonstration of protest 
against the Los Angeles Police Department and other 
law enforcement agencies to be held on Saturday, Sep- 
tember 7, 1968, consisting of a march from Pershing 
Square to the Police Administration Building. The dem- 
onstration took place on schedule, 300 persons partici- 
pated, and the procession was led by Rose Chernin. 

At the meeting held on May 24, 1969, Sarnoff gave an 
account of his trip to East Berlin, and his visit to Mos- 
cow en route. The arrangements for his flight from Mon- 
treal in a Soviet plane were made by Martin Hall, and 
the purpose of Sarnoff’s trip was to participate in the 
preparatory arrangements for the World Peace Assembly 
to be held in East Berlin June 21 to 24, 1969. Sarnoff 
returned to East Berlin for that Assembly, and thereafter 
made a trip to Stockholm where he participated in a study 
of mass organizing techniques, having described this trip 
at the Peace Action Council meeting which was held on 
October 15, 1969. On the occasion of his trip to East Ber- 
lin, one of his co-delegates was Arnold Samuel Johnson, 
66. Johnson was identified by Attorney General Rob- 
ert F. Kennedy as National Legislative Director of the 
Communist Party in 1962, and a member of the National 
Committee of that organization. He undoubtedly was ac- 
corded a more friendly reception in East Berlin than he 
received in Mexico in 1967, when he was sent back to the 
United States by Mexican Security Police. (1963 Califor- 
nia Report, pages 83, 88, 169; Peoples World, July 8, 

It might be noted in connection with the Sarnoff trips 
to Communist countries and also the one he made to Swe- 
den, that no account of them was given in the press, not 
even in the Communist press, and so far as we have been 



able to discover they are being mentioned herein for the 
first time. In November 1969, Sarnoif received a free 
round-trip ticket to Khartoum, Sudan, from the chairman 
of the World Peace Council, Romesh Chandra. The prin- 
cipal headquarters of this Communist-controlled organi- 
zation is at Lonn Rotink, 18 v, Helsinki 12, Finland. At 
the meeting of October 15, 1969, when Sarnoif reported on 
his experiences at Stockholm, Dorothy Healey was in the 
meeting as was Robert Klonsky, the father of Mike Klon- 
sky, and at this meeting it developed that the organization 
was flourishing as it recently loaned $1,000.00 to the New 
Mobilization Committee that was currently using the 
Council office space as its headquarters. 

Participation at Montreal Conference 

At the meeting on December 16, 1968 Sarnoif reported 
on his experiences at the Hemispheric Conference to End 
the II. S. War in Vietnam at Montreal, November 28 
through December 1 of that year. He provoked consider- 
able interest when he exhibited the front page of Section 
2 of the Montreal Star , which printed Sarnoif ’s picture 
and the statement he was wanted by the F. B. I. for 
allegedly helping Eldridge Cleaver to jump bail and flee 
to safety outside the limits of the United States. From 
Sarnoif ’s account and from other sources which we will 
cite later, we learned that about 2000 people attended the 
conference, which was characterized by many disputes and 
one brief encounter between the Black Panthers from 
California and some of the white activists who were 

There have been several important international meet- 
ings conducted by the world Communist movement since 
the Vietnam War provided a convenient catalyst. We 
have already described Irving Sarnoif ’s visits to Moscow, 
East Berlin, Stockholm, and Khartoum. Another meeting 
of global signifiance was the Tri-Continental Conference, 
which was held in Havana in January of 1966, and the 
Budapest Conference of Communist Parties held the fol- 
lowing October. 

Preparations were made many months in advance of 
the Montreal gathering. Scheduled originally to run from 
October 12 to 14, it actually commenced on November 28 
and ran until December 1. The delegates comprised a 



conglomeration of revolutionists : American citizens fawn- 
ing on our North Vietnam enemies, who came from Hanoi 
by way of Havana; Americans who loudly proclaimed 
their intent to bring about our violent downfall, fresh 
from spreading their revolutionary sentiments on our tax- 
supported campuses. There were Black Panthers, Trot- 
skyists, and the grim and dedicated Moscow-type Commu- 
nists who actually ran the show. There were do-gooders, 
opportunists, fanatics and the customary sprinkling of 
dupes. There were also scattered throughout the 2000 
delegates, and fortunately not detected, an observant and 
capable group of representatives from various official 
agencies, both from the United States and Canada, from 
whose accounts we can obtain an accurate idea of what 
occurred; and there was also a group of journalists and 
official observers from whose accounts we can also get an 
accurate account of the conference. 

The delegates registered in the basement of the St. 
James United Church and received orange-colored identi- 
fication cards, a program of events, and a list of recom- 
mended restaurants and housing facilities. A quick survey 
of the official list of participating organizations, spon- 
sors and individual delegates, provides complete proof of 
tlje tight Communist supervision of all the proceedings. 

Among the participants and sponsors were the follow- 
ing persons who have been identified as members of the 
Communist Party: Irving Sarnoff, Professor Raymond 
Boyer, who achieved notoriety as a participant in the 
Canadian espionage case during World War II; Frank 
Wilkinson, Carl and Anne Braden, Jarvis Tyner, Jim 
Fite, James Jackson, Professor Leon Wofsy, Ben Dobbs, 
Arnold Johnson (who accompanied Sarnoff to East Ber- 
lin), Linda Appelliaus, Sam Kushner, Mike Mverson, 
Eugene Tournour, Mike Eisencher, and Robert Duggan. 

The list of sponsors also included Fr. Blase Bonpane, 
ex-Marvknoll missionary and presently a peace activist 
who frequently attended meetings of the Peace Action 
Council in Los Angeles ; Rev. Stephen Fritchman, Pastor 
of the Los Angeles First Unitarian Church; Dr. Ben- 
jamin Spock; Professor Robert Greenblatt, Chairman of 
the National Mobilization Committee that staged dem- 
onstrations throughout the United States; Fr. Groppi, 



militant Milwaukee priest who was convicted for his vio- 
lent attack against the Selective Service System; Mario 
Savio, former leader of the Free Speech Rebellion at 
the Berkeley campus of the University of California; 
Professor Donald Kalish, and Harvey O’Connor, Na- 
tional Leader of the Movement to Abolish the House of 
Representatives Committee on Internal Security. 

Bobby Seale, Black Panther leader from Oakland, was 
scheduled to make a speech, but a spokesman for the 
Panther delegation addressed the audience in most abu- 
sive terms and complained that no effort had been made 
to send Seale the necessary funds with which to make 
the trip. The Panthers then threatened to disrupt the 
meeting unless a suitable collection was taken. As might 
also be expected, the Panthers engaged in their usual 
program of vulgarity and physical combat against a 
group of young Communist activists, with whose ideology 
the Panthers then disagreed. 

One of the observers at the conference was David E. 
Gumaer, who spent two years operating as an undercoveT 
agent for a police intelligence division and who was able 
to infiltrate Communist and front activities in general 
and the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs in particular. He worked 
in the national office of the DuBpis Clubs of America, 
where he occupied a position of policy-making impor- 
tance. His account of the hemispheric conference ap- 
peared in the February 1969 issue of American Opinion, 
complete with photographic coverage and a detailed de- 
scription of the entire proceeding. 

When Bobby Seaie finally arrived at the speaker’s 
rostrum, he explained that the Black Panthers had been 
formed to resist police violence in the same manner 
that the North Vietnamese had been compelled to resist 
attacks against them by the United States — by violence. 
He called for unity with the Viet Cong, attacked the 
police as “racist pigs,” and promised that the blacks, 
along with other oppressed peoples, would overthrow and 
destroy the “avaricious businessmen, the pig police 
forces, and the pig politicians who pollute the earth. We 
will not halt,” he declared, “until the American Empire 
and its consequent racism are smashed.” One dramatic 
event, the description of which is agreed upon by all per- 



sons who witnessed it, is described by Mr. Gumaer as 
follows : 

“The audience went wild when a sad little pile of 
twenty-five American draft cards were burned in a 
tinfoil dish by North Vietnam’s Minister of Culture, 
and Communist Galdino Guzman Cadena of Mexico^ 

Crowded around the now surrounded stage, the 
Comrades cheered as the flames leapt higher, devour- 
ing a pile of American military classification cards, 
a military identification card (which meant the donor 
had become a deserter), and an American passport. 
While the smoke and flames curled towards the ceil- 
ing, a Black Panther shouted into the microphone: 
‘That’s what an Olympic torch should really look 
like.’ Gifts were presented to the Viet Cong, includ- 
ing a check for $2,000.00 from the New York Ameri- 
can Friends Service Committee and the Communists’- 
War Resistors League. 

Following the immolation ceremony, the emotion- 
ally drained Comrades climbed up on tables and 
chairs, waving red flags and Viet Cong banners. 
With arms raised in the Communist salute, they 
stood at attention as the Viet Cong anthem was 
played over a tape-recorder. Then they raised their 
voices in crescendo, standing at attention with hands 
and fists held high, singing the Communist Interna- 

I slowly worked my wav through the ravening 
crowd, with those alien words still ringing in my ears, 
and a lump in my throat, trying in vain to hide the 
tears streaming down my cheeks. The Comrades, who 
smiled as I passed, thought I was weeping from the 
joy of it all. I was weeping for my country.” 

We have mentioned the disturbances as minor, but 
should add that they were also frequent. The young Com- 
munists who follow the Red Chinese theory of permanent 
revolution were persistently trying to get control of the 
proceedings. They clashed with the Panthers, shouted 
and persisted in distributing propaganda throughout the 
opening session on Friday December 29, which was held 
in the St. James Church. Some of the delegates insisted 


that since American imperialism was being denounced, 
that Russian imperialism should also be attacked because 
of its armed invasion of Czechoslovakia in August, 1968. 
But as the Moscow Communists controlled the confer- 
ence, this protest was quickly subdued. 

At one point during the violence Rev. Douglas Pilkey 
of St. James Church insisted on summoning police to 
quell the fighting at this conference for peace. But he 
was subdued, also. 

Saturday’s session was devoted to workshops. The pro- 
gram for the one on “racism” was clearly intended to 
attract minority groups — mainly Negro and Latin- Amer- 
ican — and to convince them that since racism and capital- 
ism are inseparable, then racism could only be eliminated 
when capitalism is destroyed. The inference concerning 
the sort of regime that would replace capitalism then 
becomes too plain to require comment. No mention was 
made, of course, of anti-Semitism, purge trials, thought- 
control, forcible invasion of other countries or cultural 
repressions that exist in Communist countries. 

This workshop program is reproduced to show how the 
entire agenda at Montreal was switched from pleas for 
peace in Vietnam to a vicious propaganda attack against 
all non-Communist regimes in general and the United 
States in particular. At the same time it served to forge 
an international apparatus that now surrounds our 

Sunday’s program was characterized by additional out- 
bursts of violent fighting between some of the Latin- 
American delegations. At this point the Black Panthers 
volunteered their services as security guards and appar- 
ently enjoyed their work in speedily moving to quell 

Irving Sarnoff and other Los Angeles Communists had 
worked diligently and effectively for months to prepare 
for this Montreal conference. Their political action com- 
mittee served as a rallying center. The PAC meetings 
were devoted to soliciting members to make the trip to 
Montreal and the propaganda tables were amply supplied 
with materials such as the exhibits reproduced following 
this section, especially the one headed, “Los Angeles 
Organizing Committee, Hemisphere Conference to End 



the U. S. War in Vietnam — Peace Action Council, 555 
N. Western Ave., Los Angeles, Calif., 90004 /HO 2-8188.” 
About 90 persons came from California in the group 
headed by Sarnotf, and we should make it clear at this 
point that our ability to describe the proceedings at Mon- 
treal in such detail arises from the fact that very few 
persons were screened for security, and observers were 
permitted to attend all of the sessions, even some of the 
workshop meetings. In addition, there were statements 
by undercover agents for official agencies, reporters for 
such anti-Communists publications as American Opinion 
and News and Views, Vol. 32, No. 2, Feb. 19, 1969, as 
well as the reports of delegates who attended the confer- 
ence and from Sarnoff himself, together with accounts in 
publications of general circulation. 

We have treated the Montreal conference at some 
length and included it as part of our discussion of the 
Peace Action Council, because this front organization 
is the largest and most powerful now operating in Cali- 
fornia. It is headed by a Communist, it is dominated by 
Communists, and it is essential to understand the scope 
of its operation and its participation in international 
Communist meetings, such as the one in Montreal. 

Activities 1969-1970 

During 1969 and until the spring of 1970, the Peace 
Action Council has been steadily growing in membership* 
financial strength, and influence. In addition to the trips 
abroad by Martin Hall and Irving Sarnoff on global 
Communist business, and the large attendance at Mon- 
treal, other PAC members reported their own foreign 
travels at various meetings of the organization. Mike 
McCabe gave an account of his trip to Sweden and 
Czechoslovakia at the February 19, 1969 meeting. He is 
a Trotskyist Communist official. At the same meeting, 
held at 555 North Western Avenue, Los Angeles, Joel 
Britten described his trip to Havana and his conference 
with the representative from the North Vietnamese Na- 
tional Liberation Front. Jim Fite, an officer of Students 
for a Democratic Society, discussed his visit to Sweden 
and Hungary where he also conferred with agents of 
the National Liberation Front. 



On the literature table at a special meeting held in 
Room 101, Franklin Hall, Los Angeles City College, on 
the afternoon of March 1, 1969, some of the leaflets urged 
attendance at two speeches by Karl Wolff, a leader of 
SDS in Germany. This organization is comparable to 
Students for a Democratic Society in the United States, 
and Wolff is noted for his trips abroad and his exhorta- 
tions of fellow activists throughout the world to revo- 
lutionary activity. Wolff spoke at 619 South Bonnie 
Brae on Monday March 1, at Los Angeles City College 
on March 3 in the afternoon, and that evening at 8162 
South Melrose in Los Angeles. This gathering in Frank- 
lin Hall was specially called to lay plans for a demon- 
stration on March 6. Among those present were,. Sarnoff, 
Betty Rottger, Mike McCabe, and Raphael Konigsberg. 

As the role of the PAC demonstrations became more 
important, so did its security precautions. At the meeting 
on November 17, 1969, Sarnoff distributed police code 
books so that short-wave intercommunications could be 
monitored. A report was also made by those PAC mem- 
bers who participated in the San Francisco demonstra- 
tions two days previously, in which an estimated 150,- 
000 persons marched in the “moratorium parade.” 

The activities of this Communist-led organization pro- 
vide a center from which demonstrations are planned 
and support provided for a select cluster of its affiliates. 
The propaganda influence of the Peace Action Council 
is incalculable, as it smoothly coordinates its work with 
the radical press and with the other Communist fronts 
that we shall hereinafter describe. 

Our collection of propaganda materials distributed at 
PAC meetings in the name of peace includes copies of 
the Vietnam Courier from Hanoi; materials urging 
young men to defy the draft; notices of speeches by 
well-known radical activists, and assorted other materials 
designed to create disrespect for law and order, for law- 
enforcement agencies, for the armed forces of the coun- 
try, and to incite racial minority groups to rebellious 

Political Affairs is the official monthly publication of 
the Communist Party of the United States. Writing in 
the March 1963 issue, Arnold Johnson, heretofore men- 


tioned as a co-delegate with Irving Sarnoff at one of 
the foreign Communist meetings, wrote on page 14: 

. the peace forces must never become isolated 
from the mass struggles. In this total struggle, there 
is always a place for Communists.” 

In the Peace Action Council, a great many Commu- 
nists have indeed found places, from which they operate a 
typical, familiar Communist agit-prop (agitation-propa- 
ganda) apparatus of great influence. 




192 * 


509 No. Wo stern Ave. 
Los Angeles 4, Calif. 


July 21, 1956 

Dear Friend: 

This is the last communication from the Southern California 
Peace Crusade that you will receive. Enclosed is a statement of the 
Executive Board which officially dissolves the organization. 

As a supporter of the Southern California Peace Crusade’s 
program, you can be justifiably proud of its pioneer work for peace 
and your own share in this effort. For the first time in history popular 
pressure is recognized as an active factor in determining a nation's 
foreign policy. 

We wish to thank each of you who contributed financially to 
maintain our organization. Your generous support over the years 
enabled us to play a pioneering role. ¥fe are proud that the history 
of events has justified our program. We are also proud that this 
program i3 now the goal of the majority of our countrymen, and that 
more and more groups and individuals are working in their own way to 
achieve its ends. 

We do not dissolve our organization in defeat, but in vic- 
tory. We have no regrets. For the years spent working in the Southern 
California Peace Crusade were rich and satisfying. 

There is no doubt that each of us — formerly of the 
Southern California Peace Crusade family — will continue to work 
unceasingly to make lasting peace a reality. 


Vicki Landish 

Former Executive Director 






555 No. Western Avbdub Room 3 • Lob Angeles, California 90004 
HOIlywood 2-8188 

July IS, 1968 

Dear Friends: 

The visit to Los Angeles of Dave Dellinger, chairman cf the National 
Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, is an important event for 
our local anti-war movement. His recent trips to Paris and Hanoi, as well 
as his outstanding leadership in the National anti-war movement should help 
all of us in planning for the crucial months ahead. Mr. Dellinger's talk 
will also deal with some of the recent Vietnam peace proposals of some of the 
major presidential candidates. 

Because of our emergency organizing around the Humphrey visit, it has 
been very difficult to publicize this event to the fullest extent. 

We are therefore appealing to you personally to do all you can to come 
and to bring as many friends as possible. We hope that you and your organization 
will phone as many of your activists as you can, so that we may all benefit 
from Mr. Dellinger's experiences and knowledge. 

While the main part of the program will concern the Paris talks, a 
small part of the evening will be allowed for a report by the Rev. Arthur G. 
Melville, Roman Catholic priest who was expelled from Guatemala and from the 
Maryknoll Order there, for participating in the Guatemalan revolutionary 

We have taken the liberty of enclosing a few announcemts for your use 
and remailing. As always, we are depending upon you and your organization for 
a successful event. 

Peace Action Council of Southern California 





Los Angeles Organizing Committee 


555 N. Western Ave., Los Angeles, Calif. 90004 /HO 2-8188 

October 15, 1968 

Dear Peace Worker: 

On November 28, 29, 30 and December 1 in Montreal, Canada, the Hemisphere Conference to 
End the U.S. War in Vietnam will gather. Enclosed is a copy of the call to the Conference. 
Concerned people from most of the countries of North, Central and South America are respond- 
ing; preliminary estimates are that more than 2000 participants will work together 
at the Conference. 

The Peace Action Council of Los Angeles has taken on the task of organizing Southern California 
participation in the Conference, and raising funds for such participation. We believe it vital 
that all sections of our country be involved in this great Conference, both for the value of the 
Conference and for the opportunity for all sections of the U.S. peace movement to come together. 

A charter flight has been arranged. The flight will leave Los Angeles Wednesday evening, 
November 27 and will arrive back in Los Angeles early Monday morning. The cost is $150.00 , 

round trip. For those who need it, the Hemisphere Conference Committee will supply food 
and lodging in Montreal. Because this is a holiday weekend, early confirmation of the flight is 
necessary. If you are interested in going as an individual or your organization is interested 
in sending a delegate, please call immediately HO 2-8188. 

We urge you to: 

1. Fill out and return the enclosed envelope. 

2. Discuss the Conference in organizations you are a member of. Speakers are available to 
bring additional information and to answer questions. 

3. Talk to your friends about the conference. 

4. Make a contribution to help with Conference expenses. This is urgent! 

Los Angeles Organizing Committee 
Hemisphere Conference to End the 
U.S. War in Vietnam 






555 No. Western Avenue Room 3 • Los Angeles, California 90004 
HOllywood 2-8188 

s to remove all U.S. tro 

Your contributions have helped build a movement that cannot be ignored; we are 
confident that with your help the movement will accomplish its goals. 


Origin and Early Activities 

At the National Conference for New Politics, held in 
Chicago, August 31-September 1, 1967, among the offi- 
cials present were Robert Scheer, Tom Hayden, C. Clark 
Kissinger, of Students for a Democratic Society, Dr. 
Carlton Goodlett, Stokley Carmichael, Carey McWil- 
liams, Dick Gregory, Don Rothenberg, Mark Comfort, 
Arnold Johnson (Publicity Director for the Communist 
Party), H. Rap Brown and James Freeman. The con- 
ference coordinator, Michael Wood, stated that Com- 
munists were welcome and would provide leadership for 
the proceedings. The documentation for this information 
is taken from official papers issued by the National Con- 
ference for New Politics, and current newspaper and 
magazine accounts. 

Much of the advance publicity released from the Bay 
area in California proclaimed that from the conference 
there would develop a new Peace and Freedom Party — 
which, indeed, it did. Most of these releases came from 
the Community for New Politics, and there were similar 
statements issued from Chicago. The office of the Com- 
munity For New Politics was at 2214 Grove Street, 

The Communist Party of the United States had stead- 
fastly opposed the creation of a third political party, pre- 
ferring the Left Establishment to operate through one 
of the two major political organizations that already 
existed. But although the conference proved a dismal 
failure — except as a demonstration of Black Power — 
there were emerging cliques that worked together to 
create the third party, and in California three spokesmen 
for the Peace and Freedom Party announced that a drive 
would be launched to get the Party on the California 
ballot in 1968 to oppose President Johnson. The spokes- 
men were Professor Farrel Broslawsky of San Fernando 
State College, Professor J. B. Nielands of Berkeley, and 
Robert Avakian, a writer for Ramparts Magazine. On 

( 43 ) 



September 17, 1967, approximately 200 people interested 
in forming the new political organization met at San 
Luis Obispo to plan strategy, the leaders being Robert 
Avakian, A1 Moreno of the Community for New Politics, 
and Jack Weinberg, one of the leaders of the Free 
Speech Movement at Berkeley in 1964. 

On December 9, 1967, the Peoples World, a Communist 
newspaper in California, ran a feature article about the 
Peace and Freedom Party, and the Community for New 
Politics in Berkeley directed a letter to its members 
urging them to get behind the movement. Signers of this 
letter included Professor Broslawsky, Malcolm Burn- 
stein, Barbara Garson, Saul Landau, Robert Scheer, Pro- 
fessor Franz Schurmann, Professor Stephen Smale, 
Howard Jeter, Jack Weinberg, Robert Avakian and 
Peter Franck. The San Luis Obispo Convention, which 
actually launched the Peace and Freedom Party in Cali- 
fornia, even derived its name from an article that ap- 
peared a month earlier in the official publication of the 
Communist Party. In the August 1967 issue of Political 
Affairs, Gus Hall, national secretary of the American 
Communist Party wrote: 

“One of the most realistic and promising national 
movements for mass independent politics is the coali- 
tion of independent groupings gathered together 
under the designation of the National Conference 
for New Politics. 

Thus far it is a coming together of important 
forces from the Civil Rights Movement, various sec- 
tions of the Peace Movement, some trade union 
groups, organizations and leaders in the anti-poverty 
struggles, student groups, Civil Liberties organiza- 
tions and some organized farm groups. It is a move- 
ment that has attracted forces from both the inde- 
pendent movements of the past and the New Left 

The New Politics movement is politically and 
ideologically, as well as organizationally, independent 
of the two old parties. In local electoral campaigns, 
it has supported candidates running through the 
apparatus of the two-party system, as well as candi- 
dates running as independents. But it is truly inde- 
pendent of the two-party system, the question of 


how it runs candidates for political office becomes 

This is a young movement with tremendous po- 
• tential. It opens up the avenue for a political alliance 
of the different mass dreams of struggle, a path that 
can lead away from separate, fragmented and iso- 
lated political movements. It is a movement engaged 
both in expressing an electoral protest and seeking 
electoral victories. It has the potential of becoming a 
winning coalition of electoral forces.” ( Political 
Affairs, August, 1967, page 6). 

Mr. Hall exhibited Marxian omniscience when he wrote 
on the following page of Political Affairs that “ Whether 
there will be a Peace and Freedom Presidential ticket in 
1968 will be decided within the coming months. The re- 
cently held meeting of the National Committee of the 
Communist Party, U.S.A., states some of the tasks in the 
following words: ‘In our opinion the fight in the Demo- 
cratic Party is very important, but not because we be- 
lieve it can be taken away from the machine that controls 
it nationally. It is important to the extent that it enfolds 
a mass struggle against the Johnson Administration and 
does grab areas of control away from the machine, thus 
enabling certain more progressive candidates to emerge. 
****this is why an independent ticket is the most im- 
portant weapon even influencing developments in the two 
major parties themselves.’ ” 

We discussed the Community for New Politics in our 
1967 Report, commencing at page 97. Since it was the 
forerunner of the Peace and Freedom Party, it may be 
helpful for us to give a brief resume of the Community 
for New Politics, the Committee for New Politics, and 
how these movements provided the background for the 
organization we are now discussing. 

Robert Scheer has been a radical activist for several 
years. He was a member of SLATE, Berkeley campus 
radical student organization with a strong Marxian 
orientation, and thereafter was a campus leader of the 
Fair Play for Cuba Committee, which was controlled by 
the Communist apparatus. He has travelled to Hanoi and 
elsewhere in Southeast Asia and has spoken and written 
about his experiences. On August 17, 1965 he was fea- 
tured in an anti-Vietnam war demonstration at Lake 


Merritt Park, Oakland. Congressman Jeffrey Cohelan, 
liberal California Democrat, had been asked to partici- 
pate but declined because although he was opposed to the 
continued bombing of North Vietnam, he was in accord 
with President Johnson’s position regarding the war in 
general. The Radical Left became enraged because Cohe- 
lan declined their invitation, and decided to run Scheer 
against him in the next election. 

Scheer ’s most prominent and active supporters in- 
cluded Jerry Rubin, one of the defendants at the recent 
Chicago trial; Carl Bloice, Communist reporter for the 
Peoples World; Roscoe Proctor, National Communist 
Party Functionary from Berkeley; Steve Weismann, a 
Free Speech Movement leader, and Robert Avakian, a 
Maoist Communist, ( National Review, Dec. 14, 1965, 
pages 1157-1159; S. F. Chronicle, Jan. 15, 1966; S. F. 
Examiner, Jan. 20, 1966; S. F. Chronicle, Feb. 2, 1966; 
Scheer Campaign Documents, Jan., 1966; Oakland Trib- 
une, April 14, 1966 and May 10, 1966.) 

Following its 1967 convention at San Luis Obispo, the 
newly created political organization launched a massive' 
campaign to register enough voters to qualify for the 
coming elections. Jack Weinberg was statewide coordi- 
nator, and a Free Speech Movement leader at Berkeley 
in 1964. In California this required a registration of 
67,000 people by January 1, 1968. Most of the radical 
activists rallied to this political effort, as they had done 
to the Independent Progressive Party twenty years be- 
fore. Indeed, the two political organizations were strik- 
ingly similar in most respects except their names. But 
there was one important distinction. Hugh Bryson, a 
Communist, headed the Independent Progressive Party 
and it was always under tight Communist control in Cali- 
fornia. The Peace and Freedom Party, on the other hand, 
was dominated by leaders from several Communist and 
Marxist groups. As Professor Farrel Broslawsky wrote: 

“Active support for the Peace and Freedom Party 
cuts across sectarian lines and tactical divisions. Rad- 
ical political militants supporting the Party, include 
Bob Avakian, Mike Hannon, Paul J acobs, Mai Burn- 
stein, Jack Weinberg, and Robert Scheer. To date, 
the Peace and Freedom Party has provided a focal 
point for electoral activity on the part of radicals, 



intellectuals, discontented middle-class individuals 
and anti-war activists.” ( Claremont Courier , Nov. 
29, 1967). 

Professor Broslawsky, in his description of the Peace 
and Freedom Party, could have been referring equally 
well and with equal accuracy to the Independent Pro- 
gressive Party of the late ’40 ’s. In each instance there 
was firm control at the top by subversive elements; in 
each instance there were piany rank and file adherents 
who were dissatisfied with the two major political parties 
and had no idea of how the third party was structured 
or controlled, and were in no sense subversive. And, as 
was true in the Independent Progressive Party, the Peace 
and Freedom Party also lost a great many of its members 
when the true facts concerning the nature of the organi- 
zation and its controlling factions became known. Once 
the drive for signatures was under way, offices were estab- 
lished throughout the state. Circulators of petitions were 
recruited, lines of communication were opened, and in 
southern California a headquarters was located at 4467 
West Pico Boulevard, Los Angeles, 90019, to correlate 
activities with the northern California offices. Even the 
Socialist Workers Party, those Trotskyist Communists 
who usually remain aloof from allowing members to run 
on their political tickets, now freely consented to partici- 
pate with the new third party organization. Even the 
Peoples World, that had remained hostile to the concept 
of a third party until the word came down from on high 
that the General Secretary, Gus Hall, had approved, now 
printed its consent and best wishes from such important 
members in the Northern California Division as Albert 
Lima, Bettina Aptheker and Roscoe Proctor, the three 
declaring that “There is a determined radical wing 
within the powerful Peace Movement in this country.” 

( Peoples World, Jan. 13, 1968; Oakland Tribune, Jan. 
13, 1968). 

The Community for New Politics was officially dis- 
solved in February, 1968 and its members urged to become 
active in the new Peace and Freedom Party. ( Peoples 
World, Feb. 17, 1968, page 3.) As the organization pro- 
ceeded, the fledgling third party wasted little time in dem- 
onstrating how different it was from the two major politi- 



cal parties. In the Bay area it demonstrated against Sec- 
retary of State Dean Rusk when he spoke at the Fairmont 
Hotel in San Francisco in the evening of January 11 
1968. In concert with the Stop the Draft Committee and 
the Berkeley Campus Mobilization Committee, this affair 
was organized at Berkeley and several hundred partici- 
pants hurled bottles and rocks at police at the San Fran- 
cisco hotel. Fifty-two were arrested, and immediately 
their supporters raised the familiar accusation of police 
brutality. ( Daily Californian, Berkeley, Jan. 12, 1968; 
Oakland Trikune, Jan. 12, 1968.) In January the Peace 
and Freedom Party joined in a demonstration at San 
Quentin Penitentiary urging the inmates to strike on 
February 15, 1968. ( Berkeley Bark, Feb. 9, 15, 1968.) 

Coalition With Black Panther Party 

As shown by an exhibit that is reproduced at the con- 
clusion of this section, there was early cooperation be- 
tween the Peace and Freedom Party and the Black Pan- 
ther Party. This exhibit provides an illustration of the 
propaganda generated by some of these organizations in 
an attempt to break down respect for constituted author- 
ity, and to imbue minority groups with hatred against law 
enforcement agencies. The handbill read, in part : 

“The Los Angeles police, like the police of other 
large cities, are brutal, arrogant and insulting toward 
all people in the Black and Brown communities. But 
their most savage attacks are directed against the 
militant organizations through which oppressed mi- 
nority people fight for freedom. It is the clear and 
unmistakable policy of the police department, serving 
the same functions as did the Nazi Gestapo to crush 
all organizations which threatened the rule of the 
racist power structure.” 

John Haag soon emerged as the leader of the southern 
California Peace and Freedom Party, and eventually, 
with Mike Schon, became a co-chairman of the state orga- 
nization. A graduate of an Eastern University, Haag 
lived at Venice where he operated a coffee house that was 
a gathering place for radicals, and he also headed the 
youth adjunct of the Communist Party in the Los 
Angeles area, the DuBois Clubs of America. By March 



1968, the PFP was publishing a paper called the Agita- 
tor. Issue No. 2, dated March 10, 1968, stated that it was 
“Designed to promote radical thought, discussion and 
action within the Movement.” On page 8 it declared that 
“the Black Panther Party for self-defense is in desperate 
need of money for Huey Newton’s defense, for legal de- 
fense of other members who are being harassed by the 
law, and for their main job: organizing and defending 
the ghetto. ’ ’ 

This liaison between Panthers and the third party was 
becoming more firm; and it was also one of the reasons 
that contributed to the shrinking numbers in the Peace 
and Freedom Party, due to defections when the nature of 
its control and its cooperation with the Panthers seeped 
down through its mass membership. As we have stated, 
these Communist-operated third parties attracted many 
liberals who were not willing to continue in either of the 
other two parties, and therefore quickly registered in the 
newly-created third party organization. But in southern 
California, the slates of sponsors were soon announced 
and among them were well-known Communist Party mem- 
bers, such as Hursel Alexander and Frank Pestana, as 
well as Mario Savio, the leader of the Berkeley rebellion. 
And when the cooperation with Panthers became more 
widely known, the defections increased accordingly. 

Peace and Freedom Party Qualifies for Ballot 

The P'eace and Freedom Party’s own figures in the 
various California counties that enabled it to qualify for 
the ballot, were as follows: Alameda, 12,886; Amador, 1; 
Butte, 84; Calaveras, 1; Contra Costa, 1,219; Del Norte, 
0; El Dorado, 5; Fresno, 141; Glenn, 0; Humboldt, 286; 
Imperial, 9 ; Inyo, 1 ; Kern, 90 ; Kings, 3 ; Lake, 6 ; Lassen, 
3; Los Angeles, 25,928; Madera, 2; Marin, 1,869; Mari- 
posa, 1; Mendocino, 70; Merced, 3; Mono, 4; Monterey, 
260; Napa, 1; Nevada, 1; Orange, 1,084; Placer, 31; Plu- 
mas, 2 ; Riverside, 542 ; Sacramento, 617 ; San Benito, 1 ; 
San Bernardino, 296; San Diego, 4,948; San Francisco, 
14,610; San Joaquin, 41; San Luis Obispo, 60; San Ma- 
teo, 1,677 ; Santa Barbara, 771 ; Santa Clara, 1,791 ; 
Santa Cruz, 920 ; Shasta, 6 ; Siskiyou, 2 ; Solano, 153 ; So^ 
noma, 654 ; Stanislaus, 43 ; Sutter, 1 ; Tehama, 2 ; Trinity, 



1; Tulare, 19; Tuolumne, 4; Ventura, 180; Yolo, 173, 
Yuba, 6. These were the registrations reported by the 
County Representatives to the Headquarters of the Peace 
and Freedom Party, as of April 11, 1968. A few days 
thereafter, the state steering committee convened at 55 
Colton Street, San Francisco. Among those present were 
Hugh Manes, Jack Weinberg, and Peter Franck. Manes 
acted as chairman for the first session and it was decided 
to add Eldridge Cleaver, Black Panther leader, as a mem- 
ber of the steering committee, and also to form a working 
coalition with the Black Panther Party. (Minutes, Steer- 
ing Committee meeting April 13 and 14, 1968.) 

The Peace and Freedom Party provided yet another 
rallying medium for radical groups throughout the state. 
At a meeting of the Progressive Labor Party, which 
follows the ideology of the Red Chinese Communists, 
at 1617 East Palmer Street, Los Angeles, on April 10, 
1968, it w r as announced that there would be a caravan 
departing for San Francisco on April 18 to participate in 
a demonstration for the Panthers in Oakland, and that 
the Peace and Freedom Party would also send personnel. 
Thus the description by Professor Broslawsky to the 
effect that the new third party would include a broad 
variety of radicals was proving eminently accurate. There 
were Black Panthers, Trotskyist Communists, Maoist 
Communists, DuBois Club members. Progressive Labor 
Party members who also followed the ideology of Red 
China, and members from the Dow Action Committee, 
the Peace Action Council and various other fronts and 
peripheral groups that were banding together in a united 
front type of demonstrations and protests of various kinds. 

A specific example is found in the gathering on Satur- 
day, April 20 1968, at the southwest corner of Willow 
Street and Long Beach Boulevard in Long Beach. The 
rally was called, “A campus-community solidarity march 
against the Vietnam war and White racism.” Participat- 
ing were the following organizations: Los Angeles Vet- 
erans for Peace in Vietnam, Long Beach Citizens for 
Peace, Students for a Democratic Society, Long Beach 
State College Faculty Peace Committee, Independent 
High School Students SDS, Long Beach Womens Inter- 
national Strike for Peace, Peace and Freedom Party 



Clubs, Dow Action Committee, and Peace Action Council. 
The parade proceeded along the sidewalk, down Long. 
Beach Boulevard, turned west on Pine Street, and 
stopped at a small park, where speakers addressed the 
crowd of several hundred. 

By May 1968, the Press carried articles describing the 
shrinking of the ranks of the Peace and Freedom Party. 
The Los Angeles Times, May 3 1968, stated : 

“. . . defections have averaged about 10,000 a 
month since the Party qualified for the ballot, and 
indications were that the Party’s 105,000 voters 
would be reduced to about 60,000, when all registra- 
tions are tabulated. 

In San Diego officials said 30% of the Party’s 
4,948 members had registered with other Parties. 
Los Angeles was down about the same percentage 
from 36,788, Alameda 38% from 20,000, and San 
Francisco down about 50% from 19,347. 

Many observers attributed the defections to the 
emergence of ‘peace candidates’ in the established 
parties and to the PFP ’s alignment with the militant 
Black Panther group.” 

The Candidates 

Although the Socialist Workers’ Party, Trotskyist 
Communist group, collaborated with the Peace and Free- 
dom Party, it ultimately decided to follow its usual proce- 
dure in running its own candidates for public office. 
Peace and Freedom Party attempted to run Eldridge 
Cleaver as its candidate for President of the United 
States, but shortly after the announcement was made, an 
inquiry was received from the California Attorney 
General’s office inquiring whether or not Cleaver was 
eligible from the standpoint of age. A quick search dis- 
closed that he was two years shy of the requisite 35 year 
age required by the United States Constitution. The 
Secretary of State, upon receiving evidence of this fact, 
refused to allow Cleaver’s name to appear on the ballot. 
A petition was immediately filed with the California 
State Supreme Court, and was promptly denied, a serious 
blow to the Peace and Freedom Party’s campaign. 


Other well-known candidates included Ben Dobbs, a 
frequent patron of Communist Front organizations, and 
a Communist Party member for more than 30 years. He 
was a candidate for election to the United States House 
of Representatives from the 17th Congressional District 
in California. His boastful declaration of Party mem- 
bership was an indication of the new technique currently 
in use by Communists who are fairly well known as such, 
to openly admit their membership and endeavor to make 
the Communist Party and its members respectable in 
the eyes of the American people. To some extent this 
technique has succeeded; not because the threat of Com- 
munism is decreasing — quite the contrary — but rather 
because of the astounding apathy that pervades our 
thinking and because people are peculiarly susceptible 
to this type of propaganda. 

John Haag was a candidate for election to the Califor- 
nia State Senate from the 25th Senatorial District ; Sher- 
man Pearl ran for Congress from the 28th Congressional 
District; Jack Weinberg ran for Congress from the 26th 
Congressional District, and Hugh Manes from the 22nd 
Congressional District. Paul Jacobs was the candidate for 
United States Senator from California, and we have 
alluded to him in previous reports. He was formerly an 
organizer for the Socialist Workers Party, and is pres- 
ently a consultant to the Center for the Study of Demo- 
cratic Institutions at Pasadena. This organization, for- 
merly known as the Fund for the Republic, recently went 
through a drastic reorganization, during which several 
of the original officers were discharged from their posi- 
tions. Since its original grant from the Ford Foundation 
has been used up, the Center now spends a great deal 
of its time soliciting funds from private sources in order 
that it may continue to operate. The Jacobs campaign 
was vigorously conducted, especially in the southern part 
of the state, but the entire Peace and Freedom Party 
suffered from lack of funds and a dearth of trained po- 
litical workers. 

Headquarters Moved to Pink House 

In July, 1968 the Peace and Freedom Party headquar- 
ters in southern California was moved to the so-called 



‘‘Pink House” at 619 Bonnie Brae, Los Angeles. This 
is a two-storied, pink and white colonial structure, in 
which the Dow Action Committee and the Liberation 
News Service had their offices. The decision to move was 
made at the PFP Council meeting held at 544 North 
Western Avenue on June 23, 1968. (Peace and Freedoip 
Party Broadside , July 2, 1968, page 2.) 

At the September 30, 1968, PFP Council meeting in 
the new offices, the minutes stated that: “Discussion: Is 
Cleaver reaching the people as a Presidential candidate? 
.Result: Cleaver makes impact on people; they are get- 
ting educated whether or not they realize P and F is 
behind that education.” 

And at the Council meeting on October 14 1968, the 
minutes stated that: “Milt Zaslow reported on the prog- 
ress being made toward launching a National Defense 
Committee. The Black Panther Party is cooperating 
fully, the initial sponsoring Committee has representa- 
tives from the Black Panthers, Peace and Freedom, PAC 
(Peace Action Council), Los Angeles Committee for De- 
fense of the Bill of Rights (headed by Communist Rose 
Chernin), the Communist Party, and the Socialist Work- 
ers Party.” 

Trouble at the Pink House 

It was inevitable that with so many similar organiza-. 
tions occupying offices in the same building and presum- 
ably sharing expenses, that trouble would result. It did 
result, according to a letter addressed to the Peace and 
Freedom Party, dated November 11, 1968, and signed 
by Dow Action Committee, Veterans for Peace in Viet- 
nam, and GI’s and Vietnam Veterans Against the War. 
On the following day, the PFP Steering Committee re- 
sponded with a letter referring to the other groups as: 
“Our tenants” and claiming “priority” in the premises. 
This attitude widened the breach, and the friction per- 
sisted until the Peace and Freedom Party vacated the 
Pink House headquarters by simply abandoning the 
office and much of its contents in January 1969. 



Southern California Clubs 

By the end of 1968 there were 36 active Peace and 
Freedom Party Clubs functioning in the Los Angeles 
area. We list them here with their addresses in order to 
show the extent of the influence each of these organiza- 
tions exerted. They were : 

Beverly Hills, 10334 Wilkins Street, LA 90024; 

Cal State, 5424 Dobbs Street, LA 90032 ; 

Canoga Park-Chatsworth, 19853 Dermit Street, Canoga 

East Los Angeles, 216 South Soto Street, LA 90033; 

East Valley Chapter, 13107 Margate Street, North Hol- 
lywood ; 

Echo Park-Silver Lake, 1448 Ridgeway, LA 90026; 

Encino Club, 17261 Oakview Drive, Encino ; 

Foothill, 10259 Helendale Avenue, Tujunga; 

Forum Club, c/o Box 77-145 LA 90007, Meetings at 
MacArthur Park ; 

Granada Hills, 11013 Woodley Street, Granada Hills, 

Health Sciences, 1530 South Monterey Street, Alham- 

Hermosa Beach Club, Hermosa Beach ; 

Hollywood Hills Club, 2401 Beachwood Street, Holly- 

Hughes Aircraft Club, 4717 Vender Hill, Torrance; 

Inner Hollywood, 61414 Romaine Street, LA 90038 ; 

Long Beach Club, 362 East Louise Street, Long Beach 

Los Feliz Club, 8030£ West Third Street, LA 90048 

Manhattan Beach Club, 598 29th Street, Manhattan 
Beach, 90266 ; 

Northeast Area, 356 West Avenue 43, LA 90065 ; 

North Hollywood, 6930 Fulton Avenue, North Holly- 
wood, 91605 ; 

North Hollywood No. 2, 4633 Willowcrest, North Holly- 

Orange County, 6442 Larkspur Street, Huntington 
Beach, 92047; 

Ocean Park, 247 Bicknell Street, Santa Monica, 90405 ; 

Olympic-Fairfax Club, 6248 Warner Street, Los An- 



Pasadena- Altadena, 167 North Orange Grove Blvd., 
Pasadena, 91103 ; 

Pico-Crenshaw, 5130 Chesley Street, Los Angeles, 

Pancho Villa Club, 20331 Mobile Street, Canoga Park 

Pomona Valley, 636 Hendix Street, Claremont; 

Reseda Club, 7300 Wilbur Street, Reseda; 

Santa Anita, 3022 Ninth Avenue, Arcadia ; 

Santa Monica High School Club, 722 Adelaide Place, 
Santa Monica, 90402 ; 

Sherman Oaks, 3945 Sunny Oaks Road, Sherman Oaks, 

South Pasadena-San Marino, 1885 Petersen Avenue, 
South Pasadena ; 

Topanga Club, 20774 Hillside Drive, Topanga, 90290; 

Venice Club, 1727 West Washington Boulevard, Venice, 

West Los Angeles Club, 426^ Veteran Avenue, Los 
Angeles 20024 ; 

West Los Angeles Central, 2687 Veteran Avenue, LA 

Wilshire-Westlake, 1094 West 31st Street, Los Angeles. 

There was also a Peace and Freedom Communications 
Center, which was situated at 700 Greentree Drive, Pacific 
Palisades. After vacating its quarters at the Pink House 
in January, the Peace and Freedom Party remained 
virtually dormant as a political organization during 1969. 
It nevertheless continued its participations and demon- 
strations and marches from time to time, and held occa- 
sional meetings in order to keep up the interest of mem- 
bers and to perpetuate the Club organization. Ordinarily 
these meetings were held at the offices of the Peace Action 
Council, 555 North Western Avenue. Such a meeting was 
held on April 5, 1969, at which the matter of defense 
against police and also extreme rightist organizations was 
discussed. About 34 people attended this meeting and it 
was reported by Leo Fromkin that the Socialist Workers 
Party had agreed to provide 33 members for defense pur- 
poses, the young Socialist Alliance 17, the Communist 



Party 10, Socialist Workers for Peace 10, Peace and 
Freedom Party 20, Youth Educational Defense Commit- 
tee 25, and that this force would be divided into 5-man 
teams. Mike McCabe, representing the Socialist Workers 
Party, stated he had received a report from an informant 
to the effect that a motorcycle gang would try to disrupt 
& march scheduled for April 6. 

This affair was sponsored by GI’s Against War, Viet- 
nam Veterans Against War and the Student Mobilization 
Committee. It was held in MacArthur Park at noon, and 
McCabe’s informant proved correct, as members of an 
organization known as the Iron Cross Motorcycle Club 
caused minor disturbances, as did some members of the 
American Nazi Party, and a few anti-Communist Cuban 
exiles. But the Los Angeles Police Department, rather 
than the Security Squads, handled the trouble. And as 
long as they were protecting the demonstrators, they were 
not called pigs and accused of police brutality, these 
terms being ordinarily applied when the police protect 
the public against the demonstrators. At this affair Irving 
Sarnoff read a message by the North Vietnamese Com- 
munists from Hanoi ; there was a speech by a Black Pan- 
ther, four demonstrators were arrested, and Rose Chernin 
set about providing bail. We cite this to illustrate that the 
Peace and Freedom Party engaged in other activities be- 
sides running candidates for public office. 

Skeleton Organization Maintained 

In interviews with newspaper reporters recently, offi- 
cial spokesmen for the Peace and Freedom Party have 
indicated that they will maintain their organization for 
the purpose of running candidates for elective offices 
during the coming campaigns. Thus the Los Angeles 
Times for February 13, 1970 stated : 

“Because they want to stay alive politically and 
because they don’t like what the other parties are 
doing, Peace and Freedom Party leaders have deci- 
ded to enter candidates for statewide offices this year. 
And the way things stand now, two PFP organizers 
will lead the lists. Charles T. Webber, of Long Beach, 



a 29 year old Party recruiter, will run for Governor. 
John Haag of Venice, also a Party organizer, who is 
now a state co-chairman for PFP, will run for U. S. 
Senator. Other members will run for lesser statewide 
offices. Some will seek Congressional and State Legis- 
lative posts. The candidates lots (sic) will be tilled 
and a Party platform drafted at a PFP Statewide 
Convention next week at Cal State, Long Beach. 

The Party acquired legal status in 1968 at the same 
time the American Independent Party qualified for 
the California ballot. Both of the new parties were 
born mainly out of frustration with the two major 
parties — Republican and Democratic. PFP members 
were disenchanted with the Vietnam War Policy and 
AIP members were backing the conservative views 
of former Alabama Gov. George C. Wallace. 

Webber said Republican Gov. Reagan and his pro- 
spective Democratic challenger, Assembly Minority 
Leader Jesse Unruh of Inglewood, are ‘ totally inac- 
ceptable’ to most PFP members and voters ‘must be 
given an alternative. ’ 

But things are a bit different in the Senate race. 
Republican incumbent George Murphy is a total 
anathema to PFP members, but Rep. George Brown, 
Jr., (D-Monterey Park), one of his prospective 
challengers, is something else again, Haag said. 

‘Brown is a candidate who would be acceptable to 
many PFP members if he were our candidate,’ he 
said. ‘His views of the Vietnam War are very close 
to ours. But he is seeking the nomination of a Party 
(Democratic) hostile to his position. And I don’t 
really expect him to win the primary.’ 

Thus, if Brown fails to make the general election 
ballot, peace-minded voters would have an alterna- 
tive to Murphy in the PFP candidate — himself, 
Haag explained. 

‘But if Brown should become the Democratic 
nominee, then I would spend my time trying to 
build our party.’ 

To stay alive as a legal Party qualified for the 
California ballot, a PFP candidate in the statewide 



race must garner at least 2% of the total vote cast 
in the race. That could mean that Webber or Haag, 
or whomever is the PFP nominee in either race, 
would have to get 120,000 or more votes in the 
general election. One of the problems the Party- 
encounters in fielding a slate of candidates is filing 
fees, which Haag and Webber believe are excessive 
and which may be challenged in a test suit here.” 

Benefits From Third Party Political Efforts 

We have described the creation and activities of the 
Independent Progressive Party, which also endeavored 
to run candidates for public office almost twenty years 
ago. That organization was also run by members of the 
Communist Party, and it failed miserably so far as the 
polls were concerned. The Peace and Freedom Party, 
split into many component groups, many of them with 
divergent ideological beliefs, made an even worse show- 
ing. Why, then, do these third party political movements 
persist in their futile efforts, and why do the Communist 
Party, the Socialist Party and the Socialist Workers’ 
Party persist in running their own candidates for public 
office year after year? 

In 1932 and 1934 the Communist Party engaged in a 
vigorous campaign for the purpose of collecting enough 
signatures on petitions to qualify its candidates for 
California elections. The effort failed, but the result was 
that the Party secured thousands of names of liberals 
who were willing to assist the Communist Party in its 
political efforts. This provided a compendium of contacts 
that was invaluable, and it also provided an activity in 
which a great many people could be interested in working 
and organizing and propagandizing through a medium 
that otherwise would not be available. The Independent 
Progressive Party engaged in much the same sort of 
activity, and the Socialist Workers Party and other 
minority radical movements use the political device for 
the purpose of issuing leaflets and pamphlets and having 
candidates speak at public meetings, raising funds and 
generally stimulating their respective organizations. 

The Peace and Freedom Party, as we have seen, also 
reaps this sort of political harvest from its activities. It 



may be assumed that none of its candidates actually ex- 
pected to be elected to the offices for which they cam- 
paigned, but they did speak at numerous meetings, the 
organization did raise fund's, it did create an organiza- 
tion, it made innumerable contacts and established a 
great many clubs, it collected thousands of names on 
petitions and received donations from thousands of con- 
tributors. It also participated in many demonstrations, a 
few of which we have described because we consider 
them of particiular significance. The rest were covered 
by the news media and it would serve no useful purpose 
to describe them again here. 

As this portion of the report is being written, we have 
received information concerning the efforts of some of 
the Peace and Freedom Clubs that are situated near high 
schools to organize similar clubs among high school stu- 
dents, and although the parent organization has become 
relatively inactive, many of the clubs are flourishing and 
exerting considerable influence in their respective areas. 




Sherman Pearl 

In the 28th District 
former writer, publicist 

John Haag 

SENATE, 25th District 
former coffee house 
operator, organizer 

Bob Niemaim 

ASSEMBLY, 60th District 
former college profess'-.- 
and engineer 



1727 W. Washington Blvd. 
Venice, California 90291 

noon to midnight 

Malibu 454-8471 
Ocean Park 392-2010 
Santa Monica 451-9320 
South Bay 379-8175 
West L.A. 478-9509 









Volume n. Number 2. August 1966 P.O. Box 307, Pennington. N.J. 08534 


Over 50,000 To lie In Mass Action 

NEW YORK, July 25, 1968. 

The National Mobilization Committee To End The War In Vietnam, which sponsored the famous 
April 15 and October 21 demonstrations, has called for massive demonstrations at the Demo- 
cratic Party Convention in Chicago, Tuesday and Wednesday August 27 and 28. The actions 
will be oriented to issues, not candidates. Simply stated, these issues are American withdrawal 
from Vietnam, and an end to repression in the ghettos. 

Tom Hayden and Rennie Davis are leading a team of 25 full-time volunteers in Chicago, who are 
arranging housing for 50,000 visitors. Plans are also being made for legal and medical teams, 
and possibly a daily newspaper for the week of the convention. August 28th is the day of the 
actual nomination; the 27th is LBJ's birthday. 

While the mass protests will take place on Tuesday and Wednesday, smaller actions are scheduled 
to begin the previous week. These will consist of "street theater, rock music, mobile sound 

to Tom Hayden. The National Mobilization Committee is setting up "affinity centers" in Chicago, 
for participants to meet and plan decentralized actions. Visitors to Chicago will receive a 
"demonstrator's guide" to the city. 

Numbers to call for those who wish to help organize: 

New York City 212-964-6436 

Chicago Mobilization: 312-939-2666 

Los Angeles: Contact Don Kaiish, Dept, of Philosophy, Univ. of Calif., LA, 

Calif. 90024. 

According to the National Mobilization Committee, "Chicago in August will be crucial to America. 
... It will be better for the United States to get out of Vietnam than face the anti-war movement!" 

York City area. The price is $34 round trip from New York, and housing is free. Dates: 
August 26-29. (Bus tickets must be paid for by August 15. ) 

Information and bus tickets: 

New York SANE, 124 E 40 St, Rm 203; 212-867-6554/867-6248 
Coalition for an Open Convention, 189 Sunrise Highway, Rockville Center, L. I. 

PEP To Hold Convention 

SAN FRANCISCO, July 27, 1968 (special to the Central Committee Of Correspondence). 

The Peace And Freedom Party (PFP), which astounded analysts in California by registering 
105,000 voters, has set its National Convention for August 17 and 18, according to Rick Hyland, 
San Francisco area party coordinator. The convention will be held at the University of Mich- 



EXHIBIT III— Continued 

(PFP National Convention, continued) 

igan in Ann Arbor. Delegations from 27 states will meet to agree on candidates for president 
and vice-president. The potential nominees with the most support are Eldridge Cleaver, writer 
and journalist (see book review this page), and Dick Gregory, the comedian known for his dedi- 
cated role in anti-war and open housing demonstrations. 

The PFP national ticket will be on the ballot in at least 19 states. The party represents not 
only an attempt to influence the 1968 election, but an effort to build a durable, grass-roots, 
radical political party in America. The PFP is also one of the most successful working 
coalitions between radical blacks and whites. The Black Panther Party, of which Eldridge 
Cleaver is the Minister Of Information, has been a major source of its strength. 

As of this writing, the states which will carry the Peace And Freedom slate are California, 
Colorado, Connecticut, Hawaii, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New 
York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin, 
and Wyoming. The other delegations to the convention will represent Arizona, District of 
Columhia, Illinois, Indiana, Kentuexy, Massachusetts, Ohio, and West Virginia. 

Books: SOUL ON ICE, by Eldridge Cleaver, PEACE MAILING LIST 

McGraw-Hill, NY, 1968. A Ramparts Book. TO SHIFT FOCUS 

It is inevitable that one compare Eldridge Clea- 
ver to Malcolm — both spent much of their youth 

finally rejected Elijah Muhammad's brand of 

educations" that have enabled them to attract 
large followings among college students and 
intellectuals. On a deeper level, they both 
showed an awareness— and resentment— of the 
power of the White Woman on their psyches. 

And both have evinced that great store of human- 
ity which a sensitive black American must re- 
quire to put aside devil-imagery, and recognize 
his white tormentors as fellow victims of an in- 

It is Cleaver's humanity which is the most 
attractive attribute of Soul On Ice . After shower- 
ing epithets on "ofays, " he admits that he didn't 
mean to hurt: "I did it primarily to relieve a 
certain pressure on my brain. " Although the 
more political chapters are phrased with firm- 
ness, there is the hint over it all (as in the 
chapter "The Allegory of the Black Eunuchs") 

written during the nine years the author spentin 
California prisons for raping a white woman. 
Many readers will be startled to discover in the 
early chapters of the book that Cleaver and his 
fellow-convicts thought of their "crimes" as 
insurrectionary acts, and of themselves as 
prisoners of war. Later chapters discuss poli- 
tics, and contain an analysis of America's 
racial situation via sexual prototypes. 

But white radicals will gain less from the book's 
politics, than from the rare insights into a 
black brother's mind. They will find that, as 
Mr. Cleaver has said of others, "respect 
commands itself. " —A. D. 

Mailing lists of organizations and publications 
opposing the war in Vietnam are available on 
GUMMED PAPER, ready to cut up and stick on- 
to envelopes. The cost is only S2/copy, 3 for $5, 
which is the cost of production. Write the Central 
Committee Of Correspondence. Suggestions : 

(1) Use the list selectively. Use it for regional 

PRINTING: Want specifications for a 
printing operation ($400 total investm 
complete details on how to set up a cc 

system utilizing a re-built Multilith 8 
to Printing, % Central Committee Of 
dence, PO Box 307, Pennington, NJ C 


ent)7 For 





The Los Angeles Police, like the police of other large cities, are brutal, arrogant and 
insulting toward all people in the Black and Brown communities. But their most 
savage attacks are directed against the militant organizations through which oppressed 
minority people fight for freedom. It is the clear and unmistakable policy of the 
police department, serving the same function as did the Nazi Gestapo, to crush all 
organizations which threaten the rule of the racist power structure. 

In recent months, the LAPD, along with the police departments of Oakland, Seattle, 
and other cities has singled out the Black Panthers for an especially ruthless campaign 
of harassment, frame-ups, and murder. Its aim is nothing less than the liquidation 
of this young, dynamic, revolutionary political movement before it can gain a 
solid foothold in the Black communities. 

The LAPD has been systematically harassing members of the Black Panther Party 
with the specific intention of provoking incidents. On August 5, they succeeded. On 
that day, two officers followed and confronted a car in which three Black Panther 
members were riding. In the incident that followed, the three Black Panther Party 
members were killed. Two days later, eight. Panthers were arrested; three days 
later, four more Panthers were arrested — all on trumped up charges. Though nothing 
can be done to restore life to the three young men who were murdered, the police 
practices which led to their deaths must be stopped! 

We demand that Chief Reddin immediately circulate a memorandum to all his men 
containing the following points: 

1. Lists of Black Panther Party members' names, pictures and automobile 
licenses shall no longer be circulated. 

2. The practices of following and stopping the cars of Black Panther Party members 
shall immediately and permanently be discontinued. 

3. The practice of harassing, accosting and rousting Black Panther Party members 

shall be prohibited. 

4. Surveillance of Black Panther Party headquarters and the intimidation of 
their landlord and neighbors must be discontinued. 

We further demand that all police assigned to the Black and Brown communities be 
immediately disarmed — because the ready use of guns by police has been one of the 
prime causes of violence in the ghettos. 

These are only emergency measures. The problem will not be solved until the police 
are completely withdrawn from the ghettos and replaced by a new force consisting of 
men who live in the communities they patrol, and directly responsible to members 
of that community! 


Los Angeles County Peace and Freedom Movement 484 - 1422 



EXHIBIT IV— Continued 


1. We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny 
of our Black Community. 

2. We want full employment for our people. 

3. We want an end to the robbery by the white man of our 
Black Community. 

4. We want decent housing, fit for shelter of human beings. 

5. We want education for our people that exposes the true 
nature of this decadent American society. We want 
education that teaches us our true history and our role 
in the present day society. 

6. We want all Black men to be exempt from military service. 

7. We want an immediate end to POLICE BRUTALITY and 
MURDER of Black people. 

8. We want freedom for all Black men held in federal, state, 
county and city prisons and jails. 

9. We want all Black people when brought to trial to be tried 

in court by a jury of their peer group or people from 
their Black Communities , as defined by the Constitution 
of the United States. 

10. We want land, bread, housing, education, clothing, 
justice and peace. 

Los Angeles County Peace and Freedom Movement 484 - 1422 


This is one of the oldest, most effective of all the Com- 
munist fronts. It has had the same executive director for 
the past thirty years, Rose Chernin Kusnitz, and its pur- 
pose. has always been to provide legal aid and bail for 
those radicals who have become embroiled with the law. 
Like all other Communist-dominated organizations, it 
utilizes the courts, the immigration and naturalization 
service, and other official tribunals as forums through 
which to scatter propaganda and defiance; it maintains 
a close collaboration with other fronts, and it has become 
so extremely well known because of its longevity and 
militancy that it scarcely makes any effort to conceal its 
Communist nature. 

Rose Chernin Kusnitz was born Rachmiel Czermin on 
September 14, 1902, in Gashniky, Russia. She was natu- 
ralized in New York City on February 15, 1929. Identi- 
fied by sworn testimony as a member of the Communist 
Party, Mrs. Kusnitz ’ sole activity, aside from participat- 
ing in the activities of other front organizations, such as 
the Dow Action Committee, the Peace Action Council, 
the Peace and Freedom Party, and the other Communist 
fronts that we shall hereafter describe, has been the Com- 
mittee for Defense of the Bill of Rights. ( House Commit- 
tee Report, April 3, 1959, page 44.) 

Because of its special functions, this front deserves- 
particular attention. It recently changed its name, there- 
tofore having been known as the Los Angeles Committee 
for Protection of the Foreign Born. We have briefly dis- 
cussed it in previous reports, and from them we have 
condensed the following history of the organization and 
some of its sponsors and officers. Executive Director Kus- 
nitz was, of course, also the director of the organization 
when it went by its former name. And, indeed, the front 
is precisely the same so far as its objectives and activities 
and its basic personnel are concerned. It has remained at 
the offices which it has occupied for many years at 326 
West Third Street, Los Angeles, and Mrs. Kusnitz was 

( 66 > 


recently elected a member of the District Committee,.- 
Southern District, Communist Party of California. 

The world Communist movement has always had orga- 
nizations to render legal assistance to members. Originally 
this unit was known as MOPR — the Russian initials for 
International Red Aid, and it was operated as a sub- 
division of the Comintern. Headquarters was maintained 
at Moscow, and branches existed in each foreign country 
where there was a Communist Party. In the United 
States it was known as International Labor Defense, and 
in California it maintained offices in San Francisco and 
Los Angeles. International Labor Defense was extremely 
militant during the period of the thirties, and partici- 
pated in one way or another in virtually all of the major 
strikes and labor upheavals on the Pacific Coast. 

The American Committee for Protection of the Foreign 
Born was created during the late twenties, and was 
closely linked with International Labor Defense which 
continued to function for a few years and then disap- 
peared. (See Workers’ Monthly , Oct., 1925, pages 531- 
538; House Committee Appendix 9, pages 344-345; 1948 
California Report , pages 315, 316.) There were many 
subordinate units scattered over the country in the most 
populous areas where labor trouble and subversive activi- 
ties flourished, each headed by an executive director, of 
which Mrs. Rose Chernin Kusnitz was one of the earliest. 

On June 1, 1948, and again on September 21 of that 
year, the organization was declared to be subversive and 
Communist-operated by the Attorney General of the 
United States, who, at that time, was Tom Clark, 
who later became an Associate Justice of the United 
States Supreme Court. After the official findings of the 
Attorney General, the organization made little effort to 
disguise its Communist character and this was especially 
true in Los Angeles County, where Mrs. Kusnitz was 
widely known as a Party member, and it is even more 
true because of the fact that she now plays a double role 
as executive director of the Committee for Defense of the 
Bill of Rights and as a member of the Communist Dis- 
trict Committee. It is therefore quite clear that members 
and sponsors of this organization who have remained in 
their positions for a period of years have no excuse to 
plead ignorance concerning its true nature. 



Officers and Sponsors 

The Committee for the Defense of the Bill of Rights 
has had its list of sponsors and officers, like all other 
front organizations — a list that includes liberals who 
cooperate with Communists, working members of the 
Communist Party, Fellow Travelers, and some members 
who are not quite certain about anything except what the 
group professes to stand for — and if they agree, then they 
also join and participate in its activities. Rose Chernin 
Kusnitz, who is commonly known as Rose Chernin, and 
will hereinafter be designated by that name, has been 
executive secretary for more than 20 years. For most of 
that time the offices were located at 326 West Third 
Street, Los Angeles, and some of the sponsors and officers 
who have served the organization include Robert W. 
Kenny, now a Superior Court Judge in Los Angeles 
County, Rev. Stephen H. Fritchman, Dorothy Marshall, 
Charles Gladstone, Sanford Goldner, J ohn Howard Law- 
son and Frank Wilkinson. Kenny is notable for his mem- 
bership in Communist front organizations over a period 
of more than 20 years ; the same is true of Dorothy Mar- 
shall and Stephen Fritchman. Some have been repeatedly 
identified as members of the Communist Party, and these 
include Charles Gladstone, Sanford Goldner, John How- 
ard Lawson and Frank Wilkinson. Kenny’s name appears 
on an Exhibit, which is reproduced at the conclusion of 
this portion of the report, as an officer as of April 1969. 
Betty Rottger, who is Wilkinson’s aide in another front 
organization known as the National Committee to Abolish 
the House Committee on Un-American Activities, has re^ 
cently been listed as a sponsor, as has Reuben Borough, 
whom we discussed in connection with our explanation of 
the Constitutional Liberties Information Center in our 
1963 report on page 100 et seq. 

Annual Conferences 

The Los Angeles Committee for the Defense of the Bill 
of Rights has held annual conferences since its inception. 
On April 19, 1969, the 19th conference was held, and we 
shall describe it in some detail. These conferences are 
ordinarily characterized by addresses delivered by the 
Committee’s group of attorneys, most of whom have been 



identified by sworn testimony as members of the Commu- 
nist Party. For example, at the meeting of the organiza- 
tion held February 7, 1953, one of the featured speakers 
was Esther Shandler. This meeting was attended by Mrs. 
Ruth Drader, who was serving in the capacity of an agent 
for the state committee, and who testified concerning the 
meeting at a hearing held in Los Angeles in December, 
1954. (See 1955 California Report, page 325.) Other at- 
torneys identified as Communist Party members, who 
have also supported and acted for the Committee for the 
Defense of the Bill of Rights are Frank Pestana, Sey- 
mour Mandel, Rose Rosenberg, and J ohn Porter. 

Many of the meetings were held in the First Unitarian 
Church of Los Angeles, for which Stephen H. Fritchman, 
recently retired, had served as pastor for 20 years or 
more. On the evening of August 21, 1968, 8:30 P.M., such 
a meeting was held for the purpose of protesting alleged 
police brutality and to plan an anti-police demonstration 
on September 6. The demonstration was to be sponsored 
by the Los Angeles Committee for Defense of the Bill of 
Rights, acting in conjunction with the Peace Action Coun- 
cil and Peace and Freedom Party. Rose Chernin called 
the meeting to order, and Irving Sarnoff was elected to 
preside as chairman. Among the 180 persons present 
were representatives from a variety of radical groups. 
There was Mike McCabe from the Trotskyite Commu- 
nists, accompanied by William Hathaway and Harold 
Schultz; there was Pierre Mandel, from the New Left 
School; Jerry Palmer, Students for a Democratic Soci- 
ety, and representatives from the Peace and Freedom 
Party. Nemmy Sparks, a Communist Party functionary,' 
was also present, and the meeting, which was attended by 
some of our representatives, was actually run and domi- 
nated by Rose Chernin and Irving Sarnoff, supported by 
a solid majority of their comrades and collaborators. 

The invasion of Czechoslovakia by Soviet armed forces 
had occurred one day before this meeting, and it produced 
an atmosphere of considerable tension. The spokesman 
announced that the Trotskyist Militant Labor Forum 
would hold a special meeting on the Czechoslovakian 
crisis on August 23, at 1702 East Fourth Street, Los An- 
geles. It was then announced that Dorothy Healey, chair- 
man of the Southern Division, Communist Party of Cali- 


fornia, was expected to issue a statement. This produced 
a feeling that the armed invasion would be vigorously 
attacked by the Trotskyites and defended by Mrs. Healey. 
But, as we shall see, matters did not work out as antici- 
pated. Mrs. Healey’s speech, delivered at Baces Hall, 
August 23, was a sharp criticism of the Soviet Union for 
its suppression of the Czechoslovakian regime by force — 
an attitude of courage and independence that resulted in 
her replacement as chairman of the Communist Party in 
southern California, a position that she had held for some 
20 years. 

It is, of course, obvious from a study of the persons 
who attended these various front meetings, that they did 
so interchangeably. Thus it will become increasingly ap- 
parent to those who continue to read the balance of this 
section of the report concerning southern California or- 
ganizations that Frank Wilkinson, who heads one Com- 
munist front organization, was frequently seen in attend- 
ance at others. Rose Chernin was frequently seen at 
meetings of the Peace Action Council, the Peace and 
Freedom Party, and meetings of Mr. Wilkinson’s organi- 
zation. Betty Rottger was not only assisting Mr. Wilkin- 
son, but she was also a sponsor with him of the Los 
Angeles Committee for the Defense of the Bill of Rights, 
and also frequently appeared at the same meetings that 
Mrs. Rose Chernin attended. Reuben Borough and Mrs. 
Dorothy N. Marshall, who were active in the Constitu- 
tional Liberties Information Center, were sponsors for 
the Los Angeles Citizens Committee for Defense of the 
Bill of Rights and also were seen in attendance at the 
other meetings. Rose Rosenburg, a lawyer and a member 
of the legal panel that served the Committee for the De- 
fense of the Bill of Rights, was also a member of Friends 
of the Black Panthers organization in southern Califor- 
nia, as we shall shortly see. Thus the interlocking nature 
of the front group network in the southern portion of the 
state gradually emerges as we continue to discuss the 
groups one by one. 

Mr. Kenneth Rottger, 4031 Wilshire Boulevard, Los 
Angeles 90005, and the husband of Betty Rottger, whom 
we have already mentioned, is one of the bail fund trus- 
tees for the Committee for the Defense of the Bill of 


There was an abundant supply of the usual literature 
at the conference. Some of it was disseminated by hand, 
and stacks of it were available from literature tables. One 
handbill entitled “Defend Huey Newton and Eldridge 
Cleaver,” was issued by the Newton-Cleaver Defense 
Committee. It listed its chairman as Melvin Newton, and 
its Director as Milton Zaslow, its Secretary-Treasurer 
as Barbara Brittin. The sponsors included Alvah Bessie, 
Prof. Farrell Broslawsky, Joel Britton (not to be con- 
fused with Charles and Barbara Brittin), Rose Chernin, 
David Dellinger, Ben Dobbs, Vincent Hallinan, Michael 
Hallinan, Prof. Donald Kalish, and Morris Right. The 
office of the organization was given as 619 South Bonnie 
Brae Avenue, Los Angeles 90057. 

Literature from the National Lawyers Guild, which 
has been described as the legal bulwark of the Commu- 
nist Party, contained a statement instructing demonstra- 
tors concerning their legal rights, in the following class- 
struggle language: 

“Grand Jury proceedings can be used by the Estab- 
lishment to destroy community organizations and 
discourage peoples’ activity. You cannot respond 
effectively to this repression alone. Work with your 
organization in meeting this threat.” 

Here the Establishment is clearly depicted as the en- 
emy of the people, and its legal institutions held up as 
objects of contempt. There was much other written ma- 
terial available. A 160-page booklet by Charles R. Allen, 
Jr., was entiled “Concentration Camps, U. S. A.” This 
treatise, published by the Citizens Committee for Con- 
stitutional Liberties, a front which we have already 
alluded to, carried forward the theme advanced by Mr. 
Wilkinson during his address. This scare propaganda 
proved somewhat premature, however, as the Federal 
Government recently decided to de-commission the relo- 
cation centers throughout the United States that had been 
used during World War II to relocate Japanese who were 
excluded from the Western Defense Command. 

Since the 19th Annual Conference of the Los Angeles 
Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights, it has 
stepped up its solicitation campaign for contributions to 
increase its bail fund. It reported that in late December 



1969, “350 students, faculty and community supporters 
in 3 colleges were arrested. In many cases bail was set 
for their release pending trial.” The “Progressive, radi- 
cal, college and underground press,” were urged to print 
this plea in full. Funds were to be sent to Mr. Rottger. 

A financial report was submitted by John Uhrin, treas- 
urer for the organization, disclosed that the budget for 
1968 had been $40,000.00, but that due to the accelerated 
demonstrations and consequent arrests, should be in- 
creased to $45,000.00, and that the organization was now 
$8,000.00 in debt. 

We very much doubt whether the Committee for De- 
fense of the Bill of Rights would provide any of its bail 
funds for persons such as members of the Ironcross 
Motorcycle Club or the American Nazi Party who might 
be arrested during some of these demonstrations, which 
is the attitude of all of these subversive organizations 
whose solicitude is confined to the support of the orga- 
nizations that collaborate with them, and for individuals 
who share their beliefs. All other individuals are con- 
sidered as class enemies, ineligible to participate in the 
benefits provided by such organizations as the Committee 
for Defense of the Bill of Rights. 

The organization’s official publication, the Tribunal, 
Nov. 2, 1969, referred to the extending of official recog- 
nition of this militant Communist front by the Los An- 
geles State College, as follows j 

“Friends of the Los Angeles Committee for De- 
fense of the Bill of Rights received recognition as 
an on-campus organization last week at Los Angeles 
State College. With this recognition, the facilities 
of the College may be used for speeches and confer- 
ences. Notices of L. A. Defense Committee activities 
may be posted on campus and in the College news- 
paper, and fund raising activities will be held reg- 
ularly on campus. This is the first new area commit- 
tee in about 19 years, and it is the first time the 
L. A. Defense Committee has been officially recog-. 
ized on any college campus,” 




326 West Ihird Street, Room 3itJ 



March 22, Sat. 8 PM PARTY - 
1251 3. St. Andrews PI, Los Angeles. 
Rock Dance Band. Revolutionary 
Films. Food and Refreshments. 
Donation $1.00, For further infor- 
mation call 625-2169. 

March 30, Sun. 4 PM BIRTHDAY PARTY 
for Clara James, Chairman of South 
Side Defense Comm. 1251 So. St. 
Andrews PI. Donation * Food * 

April 19, Sat. ALL DAY 
L.A. Defense Comm. Annual Conference. 
Larchmont Hall. Workshops and nation- 
ally known speakers, 118 N. Larchmont. 
Registration Fee $2. Lunch 75$ 

May 18, Sun. 2 PM PETE SEEGER 
CONCERT at the Greek Theater, 
Sponsored by L.A. Defense Comm, and 
other Freedom and Peace Orgs. More 
information next bulletin. 


The Black Student Alliance is 
composed of representatives 
from Black Student Unions from 
30 campuses in Southern Cali- 
fornia. The Black Students 
Alliance believes in freedom 
for all people, but not at the 
expense of black people. Be- 
cause this is impossible in 
the United States of America 
as it presently exists, we 

1. That all existing educa- 
tional institutions en- 
gaged in serving the Hack 
community be immediately 
turned over to and con- 
trolled by the people so 
that relevant and needed 
programs of education may 
be instituted. 

2. That all institutions of 
-continued on Page 2- 





Rt. Rev. Walter Mitchell 
Mrs. Charlotta Bass 
Reuben Borough 
Hugh DeLacy 
Robert Freeman 
Clara James 
Judge Stanley Moffatt 
Rev. Stephen H. Fritchman 
Hon. Robert W. Kenny 
Mrs. Dorothy N. Marshall 




Please send your advance reservation for Conference Dinner not 
later than TUESDAY. APRIL 16. 1968. 

The following Delegates □ Observers □ will be at the Conference 

Address Phone 

Address Phone 

Enclosed find $ for Registration Fees ($1.00 per person), and 

$ for dinner reservations. (At $3.00 per person.) 


L. V Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights 
326 W. Third Street Room 318 Los Angeles, California 
MA 5-2169 - - MA 5-2160 

Labor donated 






From 9:00 A.M . One Dollar per Person 

10:00 A.M. to 12:00 Noon 


Clara James .... Chairman 
(Executive Director of the Southside Defense Comm.) 

Speakers: Community Leaders 

Kitty Sanderow Jewish Community 

Delfino Varella Chicano Community 

Brother Giballi Black Students Alliance 

Rose Chernin .... Annual Report . . . Executive Director L.A.C.D.B.R . 

Luncheon 12 noon to 1 P.M. 

Luncheon Served on Premises - 75$ per plate 
SESSION TOO 1:00 p.m . 



Franklin Alexander . . . 

Velma Neal 

Valerie Mitchell .... 


Juan Marquez 

Juan Ochoa 

Cruz Olmeda 

Rose Mary Davis .... 


Kendra Alexander .... 

Cliff Fried 

Shirley Nelson 


Ken Cloake Chairman 

Dan Lund Reporter 

Rosa Lucas Secretary 

Lee Gonzales Conference Secretary 




. . Chairman 
, . Reporter 
, . Secretary 






EXHIBIT III— Continued 

Conference Program cont'd 

page 2. 


3 :30 p.m . to 5:00 p.n . 

Nathen Shapiro . . . .Chairman 


Defense: (Black Ghettos) 

Defense: (Barrios) 

Defense: (Campus) 

Defense: (Repressive Legislation) 

Credentials: Helen Castello, 

Resolutions: F. Rinaldo, N. Shapiro,. 


Nominations & Elections . . . .B. Fradkin, R. Spector, 
Art Dnytryk 


Wilma Neal 
Cruz Olmeda 
Cliff Fried 
Dan Lund 
Dawn Goldstein 
Ethel Bertolini 
John Uhrin 
Natalia Ramirez, 

5:00 to 6:30 p.m . 

Steering Committee : 

Angelo Bertolini , Mike Yueff , 

Aaron Grosberg , Joe Ginsburg . 

Blanche & David Fradkin , Nathan Shapiro , Fred Firestone 


DINNER 6:30 p.m . - 10:00 p.m . $ 3.25 per person . 


FRED RINALDO - M.C. and Introductory Remarks 

Elaine Brown - Vocalist 
Frank Wilkinson - Remarks 

Kendra or Valerie 

Elaine Brown - Vocalist 



Communist Party schools were scattered about the 
United States during the 1920’s, shortly after the Com- 
munist Party was created. Originally they were known as 
Workers’ Schools, one in Los Angeles having been in- 
stituted in 1927, and met on Wednesday evenings at 
2706 Brooklyn Avenue. One of the officials connected 
with this early educational institution was the late Paul 
Crouch. Mr. Crouch, formerly on our staff, came from 
North Carolina, joined the Party when he was a com- 
paratively young man, was sent to the Soviet Union 
for training, and held the rank as a Colonel in the Red 
Army, having studied at the Frunze Military Academy. 
After returning to the United States, he was made a 
member of the National Committee of the Party and put 
in charge of its youth movement nationwide. 

The Workers’ School in San Francisco was located at 
675 Minna Street, and was later known as the Tom Mooney 
Labor School, and finally the California Labor School: 
In Los Angeles the Workers’ School became known as 
the Peoples’ Educational Center and finally functioned 
under the name of the Southern California Division of 
the California Labor School in San Francisco. All of 
these institutions, regardless of the names they adopted 
from time to time, have been repeatedly identified by 
official agencies as Communist educational* units operated 
by the Party and designed for the indoctrination and 
recruiting of new members and specialized training for 
the older ones. 

With the advent of the so-called New Left, it was nec- 
essary to have an educational institution tailored to its 
needs. Indeed, there was little use for the old Communist 
Party schools since the campuses were thrown open to 
a traveling group of high-powered Communists function- 
aries who lectured the students where facilities were 
provided at taxpayers’ expense. A few years ago none 
of these institutions would have tolerated the presence 
of people like Herbert Aptheker, Dorothy Healey, and 
other well-known officials of the Communist Party to 

( 77 ) 



harangue the students and incite them to a defiance of 
constituted authority; nor would they have tolerated for 
an instant the presence on their faculties of people like 
Herbert Marcuse, Angela Davis or Leon Wofsy. 

In 1969 the Federal Bureau of Investigation submitted 
certain evidence before the House Sub-Committee on Ap- 
propriations, April 17. A portion of that testimony, 
dealing with this travelling school of Communist lec- 
turers, was as follows : 

“Ever since its 18th National Convention in June, 
1966, the Party in this Country has been moving 
more into open activities, running candidates for 
public office and attempting to improve its image 
with stepped-up public relations efforts through its 
publications. All this provides the Party with many 
opportunities to propagandize the American people. 
While on a trip through the United States in 1968, 
Gus Hall stated that through speaking appearances 
on television, on radio, and in person he was able to 
reach an estimated 50 million people. 

In addition to continuing to publish the twice- 
weekly newspaper, The Worker, Party leaders 
worked hard during 1968 to accumulate finances and 
staff for a new daily publication, The Daily World, 
which began publication 5 days a week, in J uly, 1968. 
Publication of The Worker was then discontinued. 

Also, during the academic year 1967-1968, the 
Communist Party — U. S. A. continued its program 
of having Party leaders appear on college campuses 
as speakers; 48 such appearances have been made 
during that school year. This is a small decrease 
when compared with the appearances during previ- 
ous years. As I pointed out earlier, this is in line 
with the Party’s relinquishment of some of its ac- 
tivity on the campuses to the New Left, in order to 
concentrate on industry. 

I submit a list of names of these leaders, the dates 
of their appearances and where they appeared: 
University of Santa Clara, Santa Clara, Calif., Her- 
bert Aptheker, October 17, 1967 ; 

Los Angeles Valley College, Van Nuys, Calif., Doro- 
thy Healey, November 21, 1967 ; 



University of the Pacific, Stockton, Calif., Bettina 
Aptheker Kurzweil, November 28, 1967 ; 

. Raymond College of the University of the Pacific, 
Stockton, Calif., Bettina Aptheker Kurzweil, No- 
vember 28, 1967 ; 

California State College at Hayward, Hayward, 
Calif., Bettina Aptheker Kurzweil, February 8; 

Stanislaus State College, Turlock, Calif., Bettina 
Aptheker Kurzweil, April 3, 1968 ; 

San Fernando Valley State College, Northridge, 
Calif., Dorothy Healey, May 7, 1968; 

Shasta Junior College, Redding, Calif., Bettina 
Aptheker Kurzweil, May 21, 1968.” (We have 
listed only the appearances in California.) 

In a subsequent section of the report on the infiltra- 
tion of colleges and universities, we shall deal with the 
individual members of the Party who are currently em- 
ployed in teaching positions in our California schools. 
The sensational and continuous publicity concerning the 
cases of Herbert Marcuse and Angela Davis have tended 
to divert attention from other individuals, equally ob- 
jectionable, who are quietly entrenching themselves in 
academic positions from which they can exert untold 

Influence of the Berkeley Rebellion, 1964 

One of the faculty members of the New Left School in 
Los Angeles, Joseph Byrd, is a teaching assistant at 
UCLA. He was quoted in the National Guardian , pro- 
Communist newspaper, September 25, 1965, and in The 
New York Times for December 12 of that year, as stat- 
ing that the Free Speech Movement at the University of 
California in Berkeley undoubtedly triggered the need 
for the establishment of Marxist schools throughout the 
United States, including the New Left school in Los An- 

At any rate, in 1965 the institution was a going concern 
at 1853 South Arlington Avenue, Los Angeles 90019. It 
was staffed by representatives from the Communist 
Party, by Trotskyist Communists, members of the Du- 
Bois Clubs of America and assorted liberal groups. Thu 


complete faculty list of this first New Left school, to- 
gether with an outline of the courses offered was as 
follows : 

“Harvey Wheeler, co-author of the book ‘Fail- 
Safe’, Fellow, Center for the Study of Democratic 
Institutions; Rev. Stephen H. Fritchman, Minister 
First Unitarian Church, Los Angeles; Richard Licht- 
man, Fellow, Center for the Study of Democratic 
Institutions; Irving Laucks, Industrialist, Fellow, 
Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions; 
John Howard Lawson, Writer; Rev. Paul Sawyer, 
Minister, Valley Unitarian-Universalist Church; 
James Gallagher, Executive Board Member, Los An- 
geles Socialist Party; Dorothy Healey, southern 
California chairman, Communist Party; Theodore 
Edwards, Los Angeles chairman, Socialist Workers’ 
Party (Trotskyist Communists) ; Margaret Thorpe, 
Los Angeles chairman, Students for a Democratic 
Society ; Darrel Meyers, Los Angeles chairman, Young 
Socialist Alliance; John Haag, Los Angeles area 
chairman, W. E. DeBois Clubs of America ; Jim Gar- 
rett, Los Angeles Field Representative, Student Non- 
Violent Coordinating Committees ; Don Smith, chair- 
man, Los Angeles CORE; Don Wheeldin, chairman 
Pasadena CORE; Hugh Manes, Civil Liberties At- 
torney, and David Frankel, Civil Liberties Attor- 
ney.” (From New Labor School brochure, Septem- 
ber, 1965.) 

The New Left School courses of instruction are de- 
scribed in its various announcements. They were strik- 
ingly similar to the curricula of the old Communist 
schools, the radical courses being lightly sprinkled 
through with instruction in “Psychedelics, Love Power 
and The Honest Revolution; Modern Dance; Rock and 
Roll; Music and the State; Graphic Designs; Electron- 
ics; Communal Living, and Karate.” 

The overwhelming preponderance of the courses and 
the entire tenor of the school was, however, devoted to 
courses of which these are examples: “World Commu- 
nist Movements; Black Nationalism; Marxism; Social- 
ism; Tactics of the Negro Revolution; Practical Revolu- 
tions; Alienation; Anarchism and Voluntarism; Dialec- 
tics; Revolution and Contemporary Philosophy; Modern 



Imperialism ; Principles of Marxist Theory ; Draft 
Counselling and Resistance, and Peoples’ Warfare.” 

Other courses underscored racial conflicts with instruc- 
tion on Negro and Mexican minorities and the teaching, 
of the Swahili, Spanish and Chinese languages. 

We devoted 61 pages of our 1953 report to the subject 
of “ Communism and Education,” describing how almost 
any course could be used by a teacher as a vehicle for 
widespread radical indoctrination. We cited examples, 
listed textbooks used for propaganda rather than objec- 
tive teaching, and dealt with the growing violation of 
academic freedom in the classrooms. There is no need 
here, therefore, to repeat our explanation of how courses 
in woodworking or electronics, for example, may be 
utilized for subversive purposes. 

The organizations that collaborated in establishing the 
New Left school did so because they deemed it easier, 
more practical, and less expensive than to operate sev- 
eral schools that would provide instruction for a variety 
of Marxist ideologies. The one common academic theme 
on which all could agree was that the courses should be 
based on the Marxist theory. But this meant one thing 
to the Socialists, something else to the Moscow line Com- 
munists, and was still differently viewed by the Trot- 
skyists and followers of the Red Chinese interpre- 
tations by Chairman Mao. Experience indicated, too, that 
rivalry would inevitably develop among these groups, 
and especially between the Moscow line Communists, or 
“Stalinists,” and the “Trots” as the Moscow line and 
Trotskyist Communists are commonly referred to in the 
movement. As in the Dow Action Committee and 
Peace Action Council, these struggles for control were 
continuous, yet in the united front demonstrations and 
other mass action matters, these two implacable rivals 
worked together. They are — and always have been — sol- 
idly in accord on one thing: the necessity to bring about 
the utter destruction of the United States Government 
by any and all means available. 

The Moscow line Communists quickly gained the as- 
cendancy in the New Left School, and selected Pierre 
Mandel as its coordinator. Ideologically he was well 
equipped, but as an efficient administrator he left some- 
thing to be desired, and was unpopular with cliques of 


faculty and students. Records of the U. S. Immigration 
Service and other governmental agencies show that 
Mandel was born in Russia, was active in the Communist 
Party of France, and came to the United States in 1948. 
He attended meetings of the Southern California Dis- 
trict Committee of the Communist Party in 1958 and 

1959, and w r as a delegate to its convention in 1959 and 


The Faculty 

The brochures issued by the New Left School from 
time to time not only set forth a list of the courses and 
their contents, but also the names of the instructors and 
a brief resume concerning their educational qualifications 
and background. Since this institution was created for 
the purpose of bringing together the various radical 
groups, comprising the New Left and presented courses 
of instruction that were permeated by Marxism, it seems 
strange that the information concerning the faculty mem- 
bers was devoid of data about their activity in Communist 
front organizations and other radical groups. We there- 
fore undertake to supply this information for the pur- 
pose of disclosing something about the common ideology 
of the faculty. 

Members of the faculty included Daniel Bessie, the son 
of Alvah, and who is a historian of the Spanish Revolu- 
tion. On March 7, 1964, he attended a meeting at the resi- 
dence of Frank Pestana, in Los Angeles. Pestana has 
repeatedly been identified by sworn testimony as a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party. Others attending this meet- 
ing were Ron Ridenour, Franklin Alexander and Marvin 
Treiger. The meeting was being held for the purpose of 
formulating plans prior to the Socialist Youth gathering 
at San Francsico on March 21 and 22, 1964. This was the 
meeting that brought together groups of Marxist youth 
for the purpose of creating the W. E. DuBois Clubs of 
America, the youth adjunct of the Communist Party. 

Joseph Byrd is a teaching assistant at UCLA, and was 
quoted by the National Guardian, September 25, 1965, 
as declaring that the Berkeley Rebellion had triggered a 
demand throughout the United States for the establish- 
ment of New Left schools similar to the one we are 



Leo Baefsky, from Monterey Park, was a member of 
the Citizens Committee to Preserve American Freedoms, 
the Communist front organization that we have discussed 
in a previous report, and to which he made regular 
monthly contributions. 

Michael Bye was a member of the Independent Stu- 
dent Union in 1960, and at that time resided at 4856 
West 130th Street, Hawthorne. The Independent Stu- 
dent Union has also been described by us in previous 
reports as a Marxist organization of young people in 
Southern California. It was one of the component youth 
groups that attended the San Francisco conference in 
March, 1964. 

Charles Brittin, the husband of Barbara Brittin, will 
be discussed hereafter as one of the more active members 
of the Communist-controlled Friends of the Panthers in 
Southern California. 

Farrell Broslawsky, Rose Chernin and Kendra Alex- 
ander, we have already discussed. 

Mike Davis is an active member of Students for a 
Democratic Society. 

Robert Eugene Duggan was elected a member of the 
National Committee of the Communist Party of the 
United States in 1966, and three years later wrote an 
article for the official publication of the Communist 
Party, Party Affairs, Vol. 3, No. 2, Feb. 21, 1969, pro- 
posing that the Young Communist League be reconsti- 
tuted to replace the stagnating DuBois Clubs of America. 

Ben Dobbs is the organizational secretary for the 
Southern District of the Communist Party of California. 

James Dann is the leader of the Progressive Labor 
Party in Southern California, which follows the ideo- 
logical line established by the Chinese Communists and 
Mao Tse-tung. 

Rev. Stephen H. Fritchman was also an instructor at 
the school; we have already discussed him as the Pastor 
of the First Unitarian Church in Los Angeles, a position 
from which he retired a few months ago. 

Donald Freed was formerly connected with the Los 
Angeles Art Theater, and is an organizer for the Friends 
of the Panthers. He was indicted, with Shirley Jean 
Sutherland, of conspiring to obtain 10 hand grenades for 
the use of the Black Panther organization in southern 
California. The case was dismissed by United States 



District Judge Warren J. Ferguson because of technical 
flaws in the indictment and a constitutional question 
concerning the validity of the provision under which the 
indictment had been issued. The United States Attorney 
for the Southern District of California has declared that 
he intended to appeal the decision. (Los Angeles Times, 
February 17, 1970.) 

John Harris was the leader of the Progressive Labor 
Party at Watts, during the riots in that area. He was 
born in Birmingham, Alabama, was a former student at 
Howard University, and occasionally works at UCLA as 
a reader and teaching assistant in the Department of 

John Haag we have already discussed in connection 
with the Peace and Freedom Party and the DuBois 
Clubs of America. 

Art Kunkin is the Publisher and Editor of the Los 
Angeles Free Press, a so-called underground newspaper, 
and was recently indicted for publishing the names and 
addresses of California narcotic agents operating out of 
the office of the California Attorney General. 

John Howard Lawson, a motion picture writer, has 
been mentioned in many of our previous reports, and has 
been repeatedly identified by sworn testimony as a mem- 
ber of the Communist Party. 

Richard Lichtman was an instructor at the University 
of California in Berkeley, a fellow in residence at the 
Center for the. Study of Democratic Institutions in Santa 
Barbara, and his anti-capitalist, pro-Marxist views ap- 
peared in the November, 1966 issue of Political Affairs, 
page 50 at pages 51 and 54. 

Ed Moritz is an activist in the Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society in Los Angeles. 

Jerry Palmer is an activist in the Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society, a graduate student at UCLA, and one of 
the coordinators of the Vietnam Day Committee demon- 

Ron Ridenour is a graduate student at Los Angeles 
State College, and we have already referred to his arrest 
with Daniel Bessie at the residence of Frank Pestana. 

Marvin Treiger is a graduate student at California 
State College in Los Angeles, was a member of the Inter- 
national Student Union, attended the Socialist Youth 



meeting in San Francisco, heretofore mentioned, was 
arrested at the Pestana meeting on March 7 1964, and 
delivered the main address at the Peoples World picnic in 
Los Angeles on July 16, 1967. ( Peoples World, July 8, 
1967.) ' 

Philip Taylor is a national committeeman of the Pror 
gressive Labor Party. 

Helen Simon Travis is the wife of Robert C. Travis., 
who was secretary for the Communist Front organization 
known as the Constitutional Liberties Information Center 
in Los Angeles. 

On April 17, 1969, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the 
Federal Bureau of Investigation, testified before the 
House Subcommittee on Appropriations. What he had to 
say on that occasion concerning the New Left movement 
in general can be appropriately quoted here in connection 
with the New Left School in Los Angeles. Mr. Hoover 

“During 1968, the New Left movement in the 
United States continued to reveal itself as a firmly 
established subversive force dedicated to the complete 
destruction of our traditional democratic values and 
the principles of free government. This movement 
represents the militant, nihilistic and anarchistic 
forces which have become entrenched, for the most 
part, on college campuses and which threaten the 
orderly process of education as the forerunner of a 
more determined effort to destroy our economic, 
social, and political structures. 

The discontent expressed by the movement in this 
country is also found in other countries. As a result, 
the New Left movement is a new specter haunting 
the Western World. It is a movement that is united 
to some degree by common issues, such as the Viet- 
nam War, Civil Rights matters, so-called capitalist 
corruption, and a so-called archaic university system. 

New Left funds are generally obtained from con- 
tributions, dues, sales of literature, benefits, adver- 
tisements, and its publications and fund drives. The 
main sources of revenue are contributions, and it is 
estimated that nearly 60% of Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society Funds, for example, come from this 



Mr. Hoover concluded his remarks concerning the New 
Left with this stateftient, which emphasizes what we have 
already said about the Communist Party departing from 
its former isolated position and identifying itself with 
mass movements in general and New Left activities in 
particular : 

“Communist Party — U. S. A. leaders have recently 
urged Party members to give time and money to 
‘New Left Demonstrations and Causes.’ Much of the 
nationwide travel engaged in by prominent New Left 
leaders is paid for by honorariums paid to them gen- 
erally out of student funds for their guest speaker 
appearances on college campuses.” 




The New Left Sctool of Los Angeles • 1853 S. Arlington Ave., Los Angeles, Calif. 90019 • Telephone 731-4705 







*as of Sept. 1965 

L.A., Calif. 90019 


In 1959 the late Aubrey Williams set about to organize 
a national movement for the abolition of the House Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities; to unify the isolated 
and uncoordinated local groups dedicated to attack the- 
Committee, which we will hereafter refer to as HU AO. 

HU AC convened at San Francisco in May 1960, and 
during its hearings there was a mobilization against it 
by thousands of defiant young people, led by members of 
SLATE, from the Berkeley campus of the University of 
California, and by other radical groups from the Bay 
area. The highly controversial film “Operation Abolition” 
resulted from these demonstrations, which were fore- 
runners of succeeding activities, such as those on Van 
Ness Avenue and at Sheraton-Palace Hotel, and that 
were to culminate in the Berkeley rebellion of 1964. 

On Wednesday, August 17, 1960, Professor and Mrs. 
Joseph Morray held a meeting in their home at 2963 
Magnolia Street, Berkeley. Mimeographed copies of the 
minutes of the meeting were widely distributed in an ef- 
fort to arouse interest in bringing these anti-HU AC or- 
ganizations together in a formidable unit that would have 
the political strength and the necessary membership and 
financial ability to make a determined effort against the 
reconstitution of HU AC by the House of Representatives 
of the United State Congress. The House Committee, 
which has been functioning since 1938, issued numerous 
reports as a result of its hearings, and took testimony 
from many undercover informants who were members of 
the Communist Party and its galaxy of front organiza- 
tions. In these reports the exposure of Communist active 
ities and organizations throughout the United States was 
made available to the American people, and kept Con- 
gress accurately informed as to the extent of domestic 
subversion. It was natural, of course, that it would be 
met by determined opposition from the elements it ex- 

( 88 ) 


Forty-eight people were present at the home of Pro- 
fessor and Mrs. Morray and represented the following 
organizations: East Bay Community Forum, Students 
Civil Liberties Union, Friends Committee on Legislation, 
Grassrooters Club, Democratic Party, Berkeley Commu- 
nity YWCA, SLATE, Womens International League for 
Peace and Freedom, Associated Students of Social Wel- 
fare, University of California, North California Ameri- 
can Jewish Congress, Unitarian Fellowship for Social 
Justice, National Lawyers Guild, California Democratic 
Council, Trinity Methodist Church Committee on Chris- 
tian Social Relations. 

The meeting adjourned after deciding to call a Bay 
area conference, to establish a speakers panel, and to 
coordinate all California groups opposing HU AC. 

Among these groups were two in Los Angeles that we 
devoted considerable space to in previous reports. They 
were the Citizens Committee to Preserve American Free- 
doms and the Constitutional Liberties Information Cen- 
ter. A letterhead of the first organization discloses that 
its address was 555 Northwestern Avenue, Los Angeles, 
and that its office coordinator was Betty Rottger. Others 
who were active in the organization included Rev. Stephen 
H. Fritchman, Dorothy Marshall, Frank Wilkinson, Jack 
Berman, Frank Spector, Martin Hall, Raphael Konigs- 
herg, James Burford, William Elconin, John Howard 
Lawson, Rose Chernin, and Albert Maltz. Dr. Herbert 
Aptheker, the father of Bettina Aptheker Kurzweil, was 
scheduled to be the main speaker at a meeting of the orga- 
nization which was held on July 8 1955, in the Embassy 
Auditorium in Los Angeles. 

By 1961 the National Committee to Abolish the Un- 
American Activities Committee had perfected its or- 
ganization. Aubrey Williams was its chairman, Dorothy 
Marshall was secretary, Judge Robert W. Kenny was 
treasurer and the field representative was Frank Wilkin- 
son. National headquarters was established in Washing- 
ton at the Carroll Arms Hotel, First and C Streets, 
Washington D.C. In January 1966 the Citizens Commit- 
tee to Preserve American Freedoms sent a letter to all 
members of its executive board and its sustaining con- 



tributors to the effect that the organization now pre^- 
seated for consideration the following propositions: 

1. The Citizens Committee to Preserve American 
Freedoms be dissolved. 

2. A new organization to be known as ‘Southern 
Californians to Abolish the House Un-American Ac- 
tivities Committee,’ be established. The letterhead 
and literature of the new organization would carry 
the following information : ‘ Formerly, Citizens Com- 
mittee to Preserve American Freedoms,’ and ‘Af- 
filiate: National Committee to Abolish the House 
Un-American Activities Committee.’ 

3. The Executive Board of the new organization 
would consist of all present members of the Citizens 
Committee to Preserve American Freedoms Execu- 
tive Board who wished to continue on the Board, 
and one or more representatives to be invited from 
each Congressional District in southern California. 

4. The new organization would be responsible for 
all funds raised in southern California for the 
HUAC Abolition Campaign; develop a budget; and 
allocate funds for local and national abolition work. 
First claim on funds raised by the new organization 
would be for payment of the salary of National Ex- 
ecutive Director, Frank Wilkinson, and for the over- 
head, rent and telephone, of the national office in 
Los Angeles of the National Committee to Abolish 
the House Un-American Activities Committee. 

5. The new organization would select a staff per- 
son, voluntary or paid, to work on a part-time or 
full-time program to coordinate Congressional Dis- 
trict activities, education work, fund raising, and 
other duties the organization would establish to 
further the HUAC Abolition program in southern 

The present executive board of the Citizens Com- 
mittee to Preserve American Freedoms will continue 
until such time as the above proposals can be acted 
on. Five members of the present CCPAF Board 
were named to implement the above program, if ap- 
proved. Dorothy Marshall, chairman; Rev. Stephen 
H. Fritchman; Raphael Konigsberg; Betty Rottger; 
and Vic Shapiro; Frank Wilkinson, ex-officio. 



Attached to this letter, which bore the signature of 
Betty Rottger, was a ballot mailed to all members, and 
as a result of the returns, the Citizens Committee to Pre- 
serve American Freedoms was liquidated. 

Shortly thereafter similar actions were taken by some 
of the other local organizations, and under the efficient 
guidance of Mr. Wilkinson, the national organization 
gathered momentum and strength. 

Wilkinson, who had served as executive secretary of 
the Citizens Committee to Preserve American Freedoms, 
has been frequently mentioned in our reports. He first 
appeared before us as a witness during our investigation 
of the Los Angeles Housing Authority in 1952 and was 
on that occasion represented by three attorneys: Judge 
Robert W. Kenny, Robert S. Morris and Daniel G. Mar- 
shall. He invoked the Fifth Amendment in response to 
all questions about his Communist affiliations and activi- 
ties, but there was ample evidence from the testimony of 
those in the Party with him to establish his membership. 
Mrs. Anita Schneider so testified as did Robert C. Ron- 
stadt, and other witnesses on separate occasions, Mrs. 
Schneider and Ronstadt both having been undercover 
members of the Communist Party reporting to the F.B.I. 
for several years. 

Ronstadt testified that he and Wilkinson were selected 
as members of an elite security Communist unit and that 
when the Housing Authority investigation was under 
way, his “specific instructions at that time were to hold 
Frank up and keep him from breaking, because he was 
close to breaking. The hierarchy of the Party at that 
time felt that there was a possibility of breaking Frank, 
and, as a result, I used to pick him up just about every 
evening when he was before the Committee or waiting to 
be heard. Of course, I instructed him to plead nothing 
else but the Fifth, and give his name and plead the 
Fifth, and this was it, and that I hammered home to 
him.” (See testimony of Robert C. Ronstadt, HU AC, 
Oct. 10, 1962.) 

When Wilkinson later appeared as a witness before 
HU AC, however, he refused to answer all questions con- 
cerning his Communist membership, and he also refused 
to rely on the protection of the Fifth Amendment. He 
was therefore found guilty of contempt of Congress, and 



after his conviction was upheld by the U.S. Supreme 
Court on February 27, 1961, he was compelled to spend 
a year in a Federal penal institution. ( Congressional 
Record , May 3, 1961.) 

Growth and Activities 

During the late summer of 1957 Wilkinson inter- 
viewed Congressmen and some of their staff members 
to determine what the general Congressional attitude 
would be toward the reconstitution of the House Com- 
mittee, and thereafter reported his findings in a detailed 
statement to several interested parties. He had taken a 
leave of absence from the Citizens Committee to Pre- 
serve American Freedoms and was assisting another 
front organization in New York, The Emergency Civil 
Liberties Committee, in making this survey. The con- 
tacts made and the responses received were of great value 
in his later duties, after liquidation of the Citizens Com- 
mittee in Los Angeles and the launching of the new 
National Committee to Abolish HIJ AC in 1960. 

Both local and national anti-HU AC offices were sit- 
uated at 555 North Western Avenue, Los Angeles. Dorothy 
Marshall, who had been chairman of the Citizens Com- 
mittee to Preserve American Freedoms, was elected 
chairman of the organization that replaced it, Southern 
Californians to Abolish HU AC. The sponsors included 
James Berland, who in 1969 was an assistant to Rose 
Chernin in her front organization, Farrell Broslawski, 
Donald' Kalish and Irving Sarnoff. Mrs. Marshall was 
also a vice-president in the national organization to Abol- 
ish HUAC. 

In 1961, 23 years after the creation of HUAC and less 
than a year after the new anti-HUAC organization was 
established to abolish it, the House of Representatives 
re-established it by a vote of 412 to 6, with an appropria- 
tion of $331,000.00. {New York Times, March 5, 1961.) 

Wilkinson was hard at work in his new role, perfecting 
details of establishing a network of centers in strategic 
locations and linking them together in a powerful, 
smoothly-functioning chain. Two years later, the House 
Committee was mandated to continue its work by a vote 
of 385 to 20, and a top appropriation of $360,000.00. 
(Los Angeles Time, Feb. 28, 1963). But Wilkinson’s 



organization had been raising money, too. Envelopes 
were mailed soliciting contributions and signatures on 
petitions for the abolition of the House Committee. 
Recipients of these postpaid return envelopes were di- 
rected to: “Make checks payable to Robert W. Kenny, 
Treasurer, National Committee to Abolish the House 
Un-American Activities, 555 North Western Avenue, 
Room 2, P.O. Box 74757, Los Angeles 4, California.” 

By the summer of 1964, the letterhead of NCA-HUAC 
(National Committee to Abolish HUAC), listed the fol- 
lowing officers: 

‘ Honorary Chairmen 

Chairman Emeritus 


Vice Chairman 

Southern Region Committee. 



Exec. Director and Field 

- James Imbrie 
Alexander Meiklejohn 
Clarence Pickett 

-Aubrey W. Williams 
-Harvey O’Connor 
Little Compton R. I. 

- Dorothy Marshall, Coordinator 
Sylvia E. Crane, Organization 

and Liaison, P 0 Box 423, Ca- 
thedral Station New York City, 
25 NY; 

Charles Jackson, East Coast Re- 

Harry Barnard, Midwest Section ; 
Rev. Edward L. Peet, West Coast 
-Carl Braden 
John Lewis 
Rev. C. T. Vivian 
Rev. Wyatt Tee Walker 
-Prof. Walter S. Vincent 
-Robert W. Kenny 

-Frank Wilkinson 

Midwest Regional Office, Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of 
Rights, 431 South Dearborn Street, Room 424. Chicago 5, Illinois 
East Coast Regional Office, New York Council to Abolish HUAC, 
150 West 34th Street. Room 442. New York City, 1 
Legislative Office, Washington Area Committee for the Abolition of 
HUAC, P. 0. Box 2558, Washington 13, DC.” 

Despite the determined efforts of NCA-HUAC, Con- 
gress continued to provide funds for the investigation of 
domestic subversion, and even some of HUAC’s most 
vocal critics were forced to concede that it had accom- 
plished some extremely valuable work. But these conces- 
sions came from the liberals, never from Communists. 


The liberals were critical of some of HU AC’s techniques. 
The Communists were inherently dedicated to the opposi- 
tion of any investigation of subversion, because the prin- 
cipal target would necessarily be the Communist Party 
and its network of front organizations. 

The use of the word “abolition” in the title of this 
anti-HU AC Front carried a concept of utter liquidation. 
There was no compromise in the attack by the Commu- 
nists and no suggestion of reform. As the new drive 
picked up momentum its propaganda began to demand 
the abolition of the U.S. Senate Subcommittee on Inter- 
nal Security, as well as HU AC. And since 1967 the 
attack has been expanded to include all state legislative 
committees, including this one which has been in con- 
tinuous operation for the California Legislature for the 
past 30 years. 

Generally the efforts against the California Subcom- 
mittee and its predecessor committees have been run from 
the San Francisco office of the Wilkinson organization, 
and have included printed attacks, attempts to ascertain 
in advance what the contents of the reports would be and 
to emasculate them, attempts to mobilize political opposi- 
tion, and the instigation of harassing tactics in general. 
The same tactics have, of course, been employed against 
the other legislative agencies, including the Subversive 
Activities Control Board. 

This broadening of the scope of NCA-HUAC provoked 
some opposition among its members and staff, and when 
HUAC became a standing committee and thereafter 
changed its name to the House Internal Security Com- 
mittee, the anti-HU AC organization was compelled to 
expand its already cumbersome name from the National 
Committee to Abolish the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities (NCA-HUAC), to the National 
Committee to Abolish the House Committee on Un- 
American Activities/House Committee on Internal Se- 
curity, (NCA-HUAC/HISC). 

National Conference 1967 

The House of Representatives appropriated $425,000.00 
for HUAC in 1966, the vote being 299 to 24. This was 
considerably more than had been anticipated, as the 
January, 1966 issue of Abolition News, NCA-HUAC 



publication, stated that the 1965 grant of $420,000.00 
had been “unprecedented”, and predicted that “HU AC’s 
1966 appropriation request faces an increasingly critical 
House of Representatives.” Shortly thereafter the “un- 
precedented” 1965 grant was boosted by $5,000.00. This 
appropriation naturally provided a topic of almost con- 
tinuous discussion at the National Conference, held in 
Chicago at the Pick-Congress Hotel, April 8 and 9, 1967. 
From the schedules, rosters and records of proceedings 
circulated at this conference, it is learned that Chairman 
Harvey O’Connor opened the conference on the morning 
of April 8, and after introducing the staff members and 
national officers, the balance of the two-day session was 
occupied with speeches, discussions and panels. A roster 
of those present, as issued at the Pick-Congress Hotel, 
was as follows: 

“Donna Allen, Washington representative, 

3306 Ross Place, NW, Washington, D. C. 20008 ; 

Prof. Russell Allen, Michigan State University, 

East Lansing. Michigan ; 

Frank A. Anglin, Jr., President. Chicago Chapter, National 
Lawyers Guild, and Treasurer, Chicago Committee to Defend 
the Bill of Rights, 

33 North Dearborn Street, Chicago, Illinois 60602 ; 

Rev. William Baird, Essex Community Church, Executive Direc- 
tor, Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights, 

7240 South Blaekstone. Chicago, 60619 ; 

Simon Beagle, American Federation of Teachers, 

215 East Dunhill Road, Bronx New York 10467 ; 

Bernice Belton. Executive Secretary, Southern Californians to 
Abolish HUAC; Director NCA-HUAC’s Southern California 
Area Office, 

555 North Western Avenue, Los Angeles, California 90004 ; 

Prof. Daniel M. Berman, American University, NCA-HUAC’s 
Vice-Chairman East Coast, 

1901 F Street, NW, Washington. D. C. 20006 ; 

Barbara Bernstein, Chairman, Dayton Committee for the Bill of 

1426 Katalpa Drive. Dayton. Ohio. 45406 ; 

Barbara Bloomfield, NCA-HUAC’s Southern Regional Director, 
3210 West Broadway, Room 4, Louisville, Kentucky, 40211 ; 

H. H. Booker, International Workers of the World, 

536 North Rush Street. Room 621. Chicago. Illinois. 60611 ; 

Carl Braden. Director, Southern Conference Educational Fund, 
4403 Virginia Avenue. Louisville, Kentucky, 40211 ; 

Prof. Francis Broadhurst, College of Emporia, Emporia, Kansas, 
Committee to Abolish HUAC ; 



Prof. Howard Buchbinder, Social Worker and Consultant to the 
office of Economic Opportunity, 

7334 Dorset Street, St. Louis, Missouri, 63130 ; 

Rev. Edwin T. Buehrer, Third Unitarian Church Board of Direc- 
tors, Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights, 

132 North Menard Street, Chicago, Illinois 60644 ; 

Edward Carey, Board of Directors, Chicago Committee to Defend 
the Bill of Rights, 

3630 West 135th Street, Robbins, Illinois, 60472 ; 

Michael S. Chrisman, Student, 

Lake Forest College, Lake Forest, Illinois, 60045 ; 

Charles Cogen, International President, American Federation of 

535 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Illinois, 60611 ; 

Tess Cogen, 

535 North Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Illinois, 60611 j 
Milton Cohep, 

5322 Kimhark Street, Chicago, Illinois, 60615 ; 

Prof. Verne Countryman, Harvard University, Chairman, Massa- 
chusetts Committee to Abolish HUAC, 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 ; 

Sylvia E. Crane, NCA-HUAC’s Vice-Chairman, Organization and 

315 West 106th Street, Room 16B, New York, NY 10025 ; 

Richard Criley, Secretary, Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of 
Rights and NCA-HUAC ’s Midwest Regional Director, 

431 South Dearborn Street, Room 803, Chicago, Illinois, 60605; 
F. Crowley, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 

5047 Glenwood Street, Chicago, Illinois, 60640 ; 

Prof. Stanton L. Davis, Clevelanders for Constitutional Freedom, 
3838 East Antisdale Road, Cleveland, Ohio 44118 ; 

Ernest DeMaio, United Electrical Workers Vice-President, 

27 South Ashland Avenue, Chicago, Illinois, 60607 ; 

Jerry DeMuth, Journalist, 

1943 West Chase Street, Chicago, Illinois, 60626 ; 

Annette Dieckmann, American Civil Liberties Union, 

Chicago, Illinois ; 

Prof. Thomas I. Emerson, Yale University, NCA-HUAC’s Advisor 
on Constitutional Law, 

2271 Ridgeroad, North Haven, Connecticut 06473 ; 

Carl F. Farrs, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 

1435 North Hudson Street, Chicago, Illinois 60610 ; 

Abe Feinglass, International Vice-President, Amalgamated Meat 
Cutters and Butcher Workmen, 

2800 North Sheridan Road, Chicago, Illinois 60657 ; 

Hugh Fowler, Chairman, DuBois Clubs of America, 

180 North Wacker Drive, Chicago, Illinois 60606 ; 

Peter L. Gale, Greater Philadelphia ACLU (American Civil Lib- 
erties Union), 

4604 Chester Avenue, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19143 ; 



Dale Gronemeier, Executive Secretary, Northern Californians to 
Abolish HUAC and NCA-HUAC’s Northern California Area 

1842 East 25th Street, Oakland, California, 94606 ; 

Loretta Hall, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 

1435 North Hudson Street, Chicago, Illinois 60610 ; 

Freeda Harris, Womens’ International League for Peace and Free-^ 
dom, Member Clevelanders for Constitutional Rights, 

2445 Derbyshire Street, Cleveland, Ohio 44106 ; 

Hazel Henderson, Emporia Committee to Abolish HUAC, 

132 West Twelfth Street, Room 9, Emporia, Kansas, 66801 ; 

Mrs. Ernest Higgins, National Board, Womens’ International 
League for Peace and Freedom, 

834 South Kenilworth Street, Oak Park, Illinois 60304 ; 

Rev. Herschel Hughes, Chairman, Social Action Committee, United 
Church of Christ, 

228 West Sixth Street, Tilton, Illinois; 

Solon Ice, Secretary, Coordinating Council of Community Orga- 

7947 South Woodlawn Street, Chicago, Illinois 60619; 

L. H. Jackson, Vice-President, West Side Chapter, National As- 
sociation for the Advancement of Colored People, 

3450 West Jackson Street, Chicago. Illinois 60624 ; 

David Jehnsen, Coordinator West Side Christian Parish and Board 
Member, Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights, 

3101 West Warren Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois 60612; 

Prof. Michael Johnson, Emporia Committee to Abolish HUAC, 

1208 Beverly Street, Emporia, Kansas, 66801 ; 

Chester Kamin, Attorney at Law, Raymond, Mayer, Jenner and 

135 South LaSalle Street, Chicago, Illinois 60603 ; 

John Kerney, Director, Independent Voters of Illinois, 

22 West Monroe Street, Chicago, Illinois 60603 ; 

Marjorie Kinsella, Secretary, Chicago Peace Council, 

2552 North Southport Street, Chicago, Illinois 60614 ; 

David LeMau, DuBois Clubs of America, 

10727 Ewing Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60617 ; 

Sidney Lens, Business Representative, Local 329 United Service 
Employees’ Union, 

5436 Hyde Park Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois 60015 ; 

Rubin Lenske, Oregon Committee to Abolish HUAC, 

7243 Southeast 34th Street, Portland, Oregon 97214 ; 

Arnold Lockshin, Secretary, Massachusetts Committee to Abolish 
HUAC and New England Regional Director for NCA-HUAC, 
144A Mount Auburn Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 ; 

Jo Longiaru, Dayton Committee for the Bill of Rights, 

521 Otterbein Street, Dayton, Ohio, 45406 ; 

Prof. David R. Luce, University of Michigan, Milwaukee Chapter, 
American Civil Liberties Union, 

2914 North Downer, Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53211 ; 



Prof. Curtis MacDougall, Northwestern University, Vice-Chairm^u, 
Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights, 

537 Judson Avenue, Evanston, Illinois 60202 ; 

Richard J. Maiman, Student Body President, Lake Forest College, 
Box 499, Chicago, Illinois 60045 ; 

Dorothy Marshall^ Chairman, Southern Californians to Abolish 
HUAC, NCA-HUAC’s Vice Chairman and Coordinator, 

555 North Western Avenue, Room 2, Los Angeles, California 
90004 ; 

Ernest Mazey, Director, American Civil Liberties Union of Michi- 
gan, and an Observer for the National Office of the ACLU, 

1600 Washington Boulevard Building, Detroit, Michigan 28226 ; 

Horace McGill, Congress of Racial Equality, 

5475 Cabanne Street, St. Louis, Missouri 63112; 

Fr. F. J. McGraph, St. Finbarr Roman Catholic Church, 

1359 South Harding Street, Chicago, Illinois 60623 ; 

James Melton, Emporia Committee to Abolish HUAC, 

512 Turner Road, Emporia. Kansas 66801 ; 

Ann Mercer, Clevelanders for Constitutional Rights, 

5207 Gifford Street, Cleveland, Ohio 44144 ; 

Lyle Mercer, Executive Secretary, Washington State Committee 
to Abolish HUAC, Member State Board and Chairman of Com- 
mittee on HUAC. American Civil Liberties Union of Washing- 
ton, and NCA-HUAC’s Western Regional Director, 

747 21st Avenue East, Seattle, Washington 98102; 

Frances Mihelich, 37 South Ashland, Chicago, Illinois 60607 ; 

Jay Miller, Executive Director, Illinois Division of American Civil- 
Liberties Union and an Observer for the National office of the 

19 South La Salle, Chicago, Illinois 60603 ; 

Patti Miller, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 

1957 North Bissell, Chicago, Illinois 60614; 

Susan Miller, DuBois Clubs of America, 

4916 North Glenwood Street, Chicago, Illinois 60640 ; 

Donna Morgan, Students for a Democratic Society, 

4717 North Bernard, Chicago, Illinois 60625 ; 

Fr. Richard Morrisroe. Our Lady of Angels. Roman Catholic, 
Church, 730 North Wabash, Chicago, Illinois 60611 

Ruth Muench. Board of Directors, Chicago Committee to Defend 
the Bill of Rights. 

5522 South Everett, Chicago, Illinois 60637 ; 

Rev. Richard Mumma, Chaplain. Harvard University, Treasurer, 
Massachusetts Committee to Abolish HUAC, 

1785 Cambridge Street, Massachusetts 02138 ; 

Russ Nixon, 

171 Hicks Street, Brooklyn. New York 11201 ; 

Betty Norbeck, Towa City Committee to Abolish HUAC, 

22 Montrose. Iowa City. Iowa 52240 ; 

Prof. Victor Obenhaus. Chicago Theological Seminary, Vice-Chair- 
man Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights, 

5757 University, Chicago, Illinois 60637 ; 



Harvey O’Connor, Chairman, NCA-HUAC, 

Little Compton, Rhode Island, 02837 ; 

Charles Ostrofsky, 

- 670 North Tippieanoe, Gary, Indiana 46403 ; 

Richard Orlikoff, Attorney at Law, 

1371 East Park Place, Chicago, Illinois 60637 ; 

Rev. Edward L. Peet, Methodist Church, Hayward, California, 
Chairman, Northern Californians to Abolish HUAC, NCA- 
HUAC ’s Vice-Chairman, Western Region, 

628 Schaefer Road, Hayward, California 94544 ; 

Reed Peoples, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 

10231 South Peoria Street, Chicago, Illinois 60643 ; 

Jesse Prostein, International Representative, United Packing 
House Workers of America, 

4800 Chicago Beach Drive, Chicago, Illinois 60615 ; 

Albert A. Raby, Coordinating Counsel of Community Organiza- 

366 East 47th Street, Chicago, Illinois 60638 ; 

Don Rose, Board of Directors, Chicago Committee to Defend the 
Bill of Rights, 

5006 South Dorchester, Chicago, Illinois 60649 ; 

Prof. Theodore and Amy Rosebury, Washington University Emer- 
itus, NCA-HUAC sponsor, 

6837 South Bennett, Chicago, Illinois 60649 ; 

Ralph Russell, Treasurer Washington Area Committee for the 
Abolition of HUAC, 

2930 Legation, Washington D.C. 20015 ; 

Louis B. Rosenthal, Student, Lake Forest College, 

Box 618, Lake Forest, Illinois 60045 ; 

Norman Roth, President, Local 6, United Auto Workers Union, 

307 South Central, Chicago, Illinois 60644 ; 

Judith Rudnick, Northern Californians to Abolish HUAC, 

2626 Fulton Street, Berkeley, California 94704 ; 

Dennis Schreiber, Staff Assistant, Chicago Committee to Defend 
the Bill of Rights, 

431 South Dearborn Street, Room 806, Chicago, Illinois 60605; 
Henry Siegel, Clevelanders for Constitutional Rights, 

5207 Gifford, Cleveland, Ohio 44144 ; 

Jack ^piegel, Director of Organization, United Shoe Workers 
Union; Chairman, Spring Mobilization, Chicago Area; Treas- 
urer, Trade Union Division, Committee for a Sane Nuclear 
Policy; Board of Directors, Chicago Committee to Defend the 
Bill of Rights, 

647 Buckingham Place. Chicago, Illinois 60657 ; 

Robert Schwartz, Students for a Democratic Society, 

Roosevelt University, 4821 North Paulina, Chicago, Illinois 
60640 ; 

Naomi Tabbert. Observer, Chairman, Anti-HUAC Committee, 
Toledo and Ohio Division. American Civil Liberties Union, 

3616 Wyckliffe, Toledo. Ohio 43613 ; 

Marnesba Tackett, Director, United Civil Rights Council, 

2540 Fourth Avenue, Los Angeles, California 90018 ; 


Eugene Tournour, Regional Action Council, Congress of Racial 

204 West North Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60610; 

Prof. Walter S. Vincent, University of Pittsburgh, NCA-HUAC’s 

209 Sleepy Hollow Road, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15216 ; 

Rev. C. T. and Octavia Vivian, Executive Board, Southern Chris- 
tian Leadership Conference and Southern Conference Educa- 
tional Fund, 

6836 South Merrill, Chicago, Illinois 60649 ; 

James Milburn, Chairman, East-West Coordinating Council, St, 
Louis, Missouri ; 

Prof. L. T. and Laura Wyly, Northwestern University, 1210 Greg- 
ory Street, Wilmette, Illinois, 60091 ; 

Frank Wilkinson, NCA-HUAC’s Executive Director-Field Repre- 
sentative. ’ ’ 

Post-Conference Staff Meeting 

Apparently all of the business of the NCA-HUAC was 
not settled during the transactions at the Chicago Con- 
vention, because less than three months thereafter a high- 
level staff meeting was held at the Greenwood Lodge at 
Soquel, Santa Cruz County, California. It is operated by 
William and Elsie Beltram, who before assuming man- 
agement of the Lodge, resided in Oakland where they 
were active in various Communist front organizations, 
especially those sponsored by or on behalf of the Peoples 
World. (See 1953 California Report, pages 278, 282; 1961 
California report, page 30.) 

Those who were scheduled to attend the Greenwood 
Lodge meeting were Mr. and Mrs. Frank Wilkinson ;- 
Mr. and Mrs. Rottger, Dale Gronemeier, from the San 
Francisco office; Arnold Lockshin, Director of the New 
England region; Lyle Mercer, from the Seattle office; 
Richard Criley from the office at Chicago ; Dorothy Mar- 
shall, national coordinator and former officer of Citizens 
Committee to Preserve American Freedoms; Donna Al- 
len, from the office at Washington, D.C.; Miriam Roths- 
child and Judy Rudnick, from San Francisco; Carl and 
Anne Braden, from Kentucky; Rev. Edward Peet, Vice- 
Chairman of the West Coast region from Hayward, Cali- 
fornia, and Barbara Bloomfield, Southern Regional office 
in Kentucky. 

The 1968 letterheads of NCA-HLTAC disclose that Mrs. 
Judith Soltes Rudnick had been Director of Northern 



California area, and also that Robert S. Morris had re- 
placed Judge Robert Kenny as National Treasurer. This 
change, we assume, was occasioned when Kenny was ap- 
pointed to the Superior Court Bench in Los Angeles by 
former Governor Pat Brown after his defeat by Gover- 
nor Reagan, and should have made little practical differ- 
ence in the operation of this national organization, since 
Mr. Morris was an attorney in Kenny’s office, and was a 
counsel, with Kenny and the late Daniel Marshall, when 
Frank Wilkinson appeared before our Committee dur- 
ing the investigation of the Los Angeles Housing Author- 
ity in 1952. (1953 California Report, page 86.) It should 
be observed, however, that Judge Kenny continued to 
occupy an official position in another Communist front 
organization also operated by a Communist Party func- 
tionary, the Los Angeles Committee for Defense of the 
Bill of Rights. 

In 1968, Dale Gronemeier, who had been Executive Di- 
rector of the NCA-HUAC office in San Francisco, de- 
cided to resign following a disagreement with the major- 
ity of the national staff over the expanded activities and 
operational techniques of the organization. He was also 
embroiled in a dispute with the Department of Rhetoric 
on the Berkeley campus of the University of California. 
He was employed as a teaching assistant in the Rhetoric 
Department, and charged political bias on the part of 
the Department Head, Professor Leonard Nathan. Grone- 
meier also was Vice-President of the Teaching Assist- 
ants’ Union, and Conn Hallinan, who was instrumental 
in the organizing of the DuBois Clubs, and was now 
President of Local 1570, American Federation of Teach- 
ers, joined Gronemeier in the attack against Professor 

Thus Gronemeier was fully occupied with his own 
operation to abolish the head of his University Depart- 
ment, and dropped away from the operation to abolish 
the House Committee on Un-American Activities. ( Daily 
Californian, May 13, 1969.) Hallinan is quoted as charg- 
ing that “A political purge of union activists is under- 
way in the Department of Rhetoric, with the full knowl- 
edge and cooperation of its chairman, Leonard Nathan.” 

The Gronemeier disaffection from NCA-HUAC was 
o'ne of several personnel changes that occurred during 



1968 and 1969. The organization was originally created 
for the sole purpose of bringing about the liquidation of 
the House Committee. Then it was expanded to bring 
about the abolition of the Senate Internal Security Sub- 
committee, and then all legislative committees, both state 
and federal, engaged in the investigation of domestic 

Tenth National Committee Meeting 

On March 22-24, 1969, the NCA-HUAC/HISC (it was 
in 1969 that the House Committee changed its name from 
House Committee on Un-American Activities to House 
Internal Security Committee), met in its tenth session, 
this one designated “Legislative Conference and Lobby, 
In Pursuit of First Amendment Principle to Abolish In- 
quisitorial Committees & Oppose Eepressive Laws. 

The purpose of this meeting in Washington, D.C. is set 
forth in the title quoted above from an official document 
circulated at the conference. Now the purposes of the or- 
ganization not only aimed for the abolition of the House 
Committee, but it was dedicated to the abolition of all “in- 
quisitorial committees”, and for the opposition to all “re- 
pressive laws.” 

Headquarters for the convention was established at 
Dodge House, 20 E Street, NW, Washington, D.C. 20001. 
Richard Criley, Donna Allen, Frank Wilkinson, Anne 
Braden, Mike Klonsky, David Dellinger and Attorney 
William Kunstler were among the featured speakers. It 
was not long after this convention that Dellinger, one of 
the seven defendants in Federal Judge Hoffman’s Court 
in Chicago would be represented by Kunstler, whose fame 
prior to this spectacular trial had been confined almost en- 
tirely to radical left circles. 

Most of the proceedings were conducted in panel groups 
on Sunday March 23. The panel on “Inquisitorial Com- 
mittees” was conducted under the chairmanship of Phil- 
lip J. Hirschkop, who "was also Vice-Chairman of the East 
Coast Region, and its principal speakers were Prof. Ar- 
thur Kinoy, from Rutgers University Law School, and 
William Kunstler. 

The panel on “Pending Legislation and Hearings: Pri- 
orities for Action,” was led by Sylvia E. Crane, Vice- 
Chairman and Organization Liason for NCA-HUAC/ 



HI SC, and Prof. Thomas I. Emerson from Yale Univer- 
sity, and Donna Allen who runs the Washington office. 

The third panel dealt with ‘ ‘ Defense of Right to Dissent 
in Period of Social Crises,” and its chairman was Rev. C. 
Vivian. He was also Vice-Chairman of the Mid-West Re- 
gion for the national organization. The participants were 
Prof. Douglas Dowd, Cornell University; James Rowan, 
Southern Commitee Against Repression; Anne Braden, 
identified Communist from the staff of the Southern Con- 
ference Educational Fund; Mike Klonsky, National Sec- 
retary of Students for a Democratic Society, and Dave 
Dellinger, chairman of the National Mobilization Com- 
mittee to End War in Vietnam. 

Rev. Edward L. Peet, is Vice-Chairman of the West 
Coast Region, and presided over the panel on “Opposition 
to Repressive Laws.” Participants were Attorney John 
J. Abt, Dennis J. Roberts, and Prof. Sidney Peck from 
Western Reserve University. 

The fifth panel operated under the chairmanship of 
Dorothy Marshall, and was concerned with the “Orga- 
nizational and Political Goals of NCA-HUAC, 1969.” 
Participants were staff members. 

An analysis of these several topics discloses how the ex- 
pansion of the scope of NCA-HUAC/HISC resulted in 
one panel on Ways and Means to accomplish the original 
goal of the organization, and the other four were devoted 
to activities of the New Left and peripheral matters. 

The official roster listed the following persons who wer6 
in attendance at the Washington meeting: 


Louise Bauers, 7882 Matilija, Van Nuys, Calif 91402, Women for 
Legislative Action ; 

Bernice Belton, 555 North Western Avenue, Room 2, Los Angeles, 
Calif. 90004, Director, Southern Californians to Abolish 

Rose Chernin, 326 West Third Street, Los Angeles, California 
90013, Executive Director, Los Angeles Committee for Defense 
of the Bill of Rights ; 

Prof. John Ellingston, 1522 Funston Avenue, San Francisco. Cali- 
fornia 94122, Northern Californians to Abolish HUAC/HISC; 

Mike Harris, 5604 Dorothy Way. San Diego, California 92115; 

Rebecca Krieger, P. O. Box 77221. San Francisco California 94107, 
Director of Northern California Area NCA-HUAC/HISC, Ex- 
ecutive Secretary, Northern Californians to Abolish HUAC/- 


Mr. and Mrs. James Krieger, Terra Krieger, 4420 Third Street, 
Riverside, California 92501 ; 

Juan Carlos Lopez, 173 Peralta Avenue, San Francisco, California 
94110, Teacher, Defendant, SACB (Subversive Activities Con- 
rol Board) Proceeding, March, 1969 ; 

Rev. Edward L. Peet, 350 Arballo Drive, Apt 6 C, San Francisco, 
California 94132, Glide Memorial Methodist Church ; Vice-Chair- 
man, Western Region NCA-HUAC/HISC, Chairman, Northern 
Californians to Abolish HUAC/HISC. 

Miriam Rothschild, 35 Galilee Lane, San Francisco, California, 
94115 ; Northern Californians to Abolish HUAC/HISC ; 

Frank Wilkinson, 555 North Western Avenue, Room 2, Los An- 
geles, California 90004, Executive Director-Field Representa- 
tive NCA-HUAC/HISjC ; 

Connecticut : 

Prof, and Mrs. Thomas I. Emerson, Law, Yale University, New 
Haven Connecticut 06520, Advisor on Constitutional Law to 


Milton Cohen, 5322 Kimbark Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60615; 
Social Worker Plaintiff, Stamler, Hall & Cohen ; Constitutional 
Challenge to HITAC ; 

Richard Criley, 431 South Dearborn Street, Room 803, Chicago, 
Illinois 60605 ;. Executive Director, Chicago Committee to Defend 
the Bill of Rights; Midwest Regional Director NCA-HUAC/- 

Rev. Martin Deppe> 8712 South Emerald Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 
60620; Chairman, Board of Social Concerns, Northern Illinois 
Conference, United Methodist Church ; 

Abe Feinglass, 2800 North Sheridan Road, Chicago, Illinois 60657 ; 
International Vice-President Amalgamated Meat Cutters & 
Butcher Workmen ; 

Prof. Robert J. Havighurst, 5844 Stoney Island, Chicago, Illinois 
60637 ; Education, University of Chicago, Co-Chairman Chicago 
Committee to Defend the Bili of Rights ; 

Dave Jehnsen, 3302 Congress Parkway, Chicago, Illinois 60624; 
Field Trainer, Vista Program. Board of Directors, Chicago Com- 
mittee to Defend the Bill of Rights ; 

Daniel Kaufman, 1503 West 91st Street, Chicago, Illinois, 60620; 
Staff Member, Chicago Federation Union of American Hebrew 
Congregations ; 

Fr. Francis J. McGrath. 2455 North Hamlin Avenue, Chicago, 
Illinois 60647 ; Board of Directors, Chicago Committee to Defend 
the Bill of Rights ; 

Jesse Prosten, 4800 Chicago Beach Drive, Chicago, Illinois 60615 ; 
International Representative, Amalgamated Meat Cutters & 
Butcher Workmen ; 

Walter Soroka, 1440 Rosita, Palatine, Illinois 60067 ; Board of Di- 
rectors, Chieago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights ; 



Beatrice M. Stuart, 720 Coronet Road, Glenview, Illinois 60025; 
Staff Assistant, Chicago Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights ; 

Edmonia Swanson, 6926 South Wabash Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 
60637 ; Illinois State Board of Social Concerns, United Church 
of Christ; 

Quentin Young, M. D., 1512 East 55th Street, Chicago, Illinois 
60615 ; Past National Chairman, Medical Committee for Human 
Rights ; Plaintiff Constitutional Challenge of HUAC ; 


Lowell Foote, 6667 Hawkeye Court, Iowa City, Iowa 52240. Stu- 
dent, University of Iowa Law School, Iowa City Committee to 
Abolish HUAC/HISC ; 

Kentucky : 

Carl Braden, 3210 West Broadway, Louisville, Kentucky, 40211 ; 
Executive Director, Southern Conference Educational Fund, 
Inc. ; Southern Regional Committee, NCA-HUAC/HISC ; 

George Meyers, 25 West 26th Street, New York, NY 10010 ; Labor 
Secretary, Communist Party, USA ; 

Loren Siegel, 30 West 90th Street, New York, NY 10024 ; 

Nancy Stearns, 296 West 11th Street, New York, NY 10014; Coun- 
sel, Constitutional Challenges of HUAC ; 

North Carolina: 

Jim Rowan, 1009 Burch, Durham, North Carolina 27701; Chair- 
man, Southern Committee Against Repression ; 


Lynda Anastasia, 1920 West Grand Avenue, Dayton, Ohio, 45407 ; 
Social Worker ; 

Barbara Bernstein, 1426 Catalpa Drive, Dayton, Ohio 45406; 
Chairman, Dayton Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights 

Prof. Aaron Dindman, 628 North Wittenberg, Springfield, Ohio 
45504 ; 

Chris Buchanan, 229 West Dunedin Road, Columbus, Ohio 43214; 
Student ; 

Prof. Franklin Buchanan, 229 West Dunedin Road, Columbus, 
Ohio 43214; Education, Ohio State University, Chairman, Co- 
lumbus Committee to Defend the Bill of Rights; 

Terry Snider, 10636 West Panther Creek Road, Bradford, Ohio 
45308 ; Social Worker ; 

Oregon : 

Rubin Lenske, 7243 Southeast 34th Street, Portland, Oregon 97202 ; 

Charles Porter, 2680 Baker Street, Eugene, Oregon 97401 ; Chair- 
man, Oregon Committee to Abolish HUAC/HISC; 


Candie Black, 4714 Hazel Avenue, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 
19143 ; Teacher CORE ; 



Katie Eastman, 4437 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 
19104; Staff, Pennsylvania ACLU (American Civil Liberties 
Union) ; 

Mr. and Mrs. Peter Gale (Barbara), 4207 Chester Avenue, Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania 19104 ; Former Director, Southern Re- 
gional Office NCA-HUAC/HISC (Mrs.) 

Mr. and Mrs. Herman Liveright, (Betty), 200 Locust Street, Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania 19106 ; Development Director, Highlander 
Research and Education Center (Mr.) 

Mr. and Mrs. Frank Petersen (Bertha), 2006 Walnut Street, Phila- 
delphia, Pennsylvania 19103 ; Resistance ; 

Prof, and Mrs. Walter Vincent (Helen), 209 Sleepyhollow Road; 
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 16213; Medicine, University of Pitts- 
burgh, Secretary, NCA-HUAC/HISC ; 

Rhode Island: 

Mr. and Mrs. Harvey O’Connor (Jessie), Little Compton, Rhode 
Island 02837 ; Chairman, NCA-HUAC/HISC ; 


Uda Hanson, 191 North First West, Spanish Fork, Utah, 84660; 

Wayne Holley, 175 North 1600 West, Mapleton, Utah, 84663; De- 
fendant, SCAB Proceeding, July, 1968, Steelworker; 

Mr. and Mrs. Bob Sayer, (Irma), Route 1, Springfield, Utah 
84663 ; Farmer ; 


Thelma Deviange, 3316 North Vernon Street, Arlington, Virginia 
22207 ; 

Phil Friedman, 2994 South Columbus Street, Arlington, Virginia, 
22206 ; 

Phillip J. Hirschkop, Post Office Box 234, 110 North Royal Street, 
Alexandria, Virginia 22313 ; Counsel, Constitutional Challenges 
of HUAC, Oct. 1968 ; Vice-Chairman, East-Coast, NCA-HUAC/- 

Steve Romines, 1715 Army-Navy Drive, Arlington, Virginia 22202 ; 

Washington State: 

Prof. Alex Gottfried, 4811, 107th, NE, Seattle, Washington 98125; 
Political Science, University of Washington; Chairman, Wash- 
ington State Committee to Abolish HUAC/HISC; Vice-Chair- 
man, Washington State ACLU ; 

Dorothy Johnson, Route 1, Box 812, Vashon, Washington 98070; 
Washington State Committee to Abolish HUAC/HISC ; 

Lyle Mercer, 747 21st Avenue East, Seattle, Washington 98102; 
Executive Secretary, Washington State Committee to Abolish 
HUAC/HISC ; Director, Western Region, NCA-HUAC/HISC ; 

Washington, D. C.: 

Donna Allen, 3306 Ross Place, NW, Washington, D.C., 20008; 
Washington Representative, NCA-HUAC/HISC ; 

Rick Bela, 1826 Jefferson Place, NW, Washington, D.C., 20036 ; ; 



Barbara Biek, 2231 Vaneroft Place, NW, Washington, D. C. 20008; 
Editor, W. S. P. Memo, National Office, Womens’ Strike for 
Peace ; 

Lola Boswell, 1301 Masachusetts Avenue; NW, Washington, D. C., 
20005 ; 

Margot Burman, 100 Seventh Street, NE, Washington, D. C., 
20002; Washington Representative- Assistant, NCA-HUAC/- 

David Clarke, 1909 19th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20009; 
Jim Cunningham, 1216 30th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20006 ; 
Leanna Eikenberry, c/o Myrtle Oliver, 1438 Iris Street, NW, 
Washington, D. C. 20012 ; 

Joseph Forer, 711 14th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20005; of 
Counsel, SACB Proceedings, Revived Internal Security Act; 
Sponsor, Washington Area Committee for the Abolition of 

Charles T. Gift, 5906 13th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20011; 

Womens’ International League for Peace and Freedom ; 

Anthony Henry, 1909 19th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20005, 
Director, Tenants Right Program, American Friends Service 
Committee ; 

Mr. and Mrs. Allen Hoffard (Laura), 1422 V Street, SE, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 20020; 

William S. Johnson, Sr., 1236 Harvard Street, NW, Washington, 
D. C. 20009 ; 

Julius Kaplan, 738 Longfellow Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 
20011 ; 

Kenneth S. Kovack, 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Washington, 
D. C. 20036 ; Legislative Representative, United Steel Workers 
of America ; 

Albert Lannon, Jr., 1341 G Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20005; 
Legislative Representative, International Longshoremen’s & 
Warehousemen ’s Union ; 

Carole Leavitt, 1706 S Street, NW, Washington, D. C., 20009; 
Marilyn Lerch, 1816 New Hampshire Avenue, NW, Apartment 908, 
Washington, D. C. 20036 ; Teacher ; 

Jonathan Lerner, 1826 Corcoran Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 

20009 ; Students for a Democratic Society ; 

Jack Davis, 1826 Corcoran Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20009 ; 

Students for a Democratic Society ; 

JJrs. Elizabeth Anne Newton, c/o Miss Stephanie Stilwell, 1484 
Wyoming Street, NW, Apartment 3, Washington, D. C., 20009; 
Myrtle Oliver, 1438 Iris Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20012, 
Womens’ International League for Peace and Freedom; 

Jacklyn Potter, 120 Maryland Avenue, NE, Washington, D. C. 
20002; Administrative Assistant, Womens’ International League 
for Peace and Freedom ; 

Martha Powers. 20001 19th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20009; 
David Rein, 711 14th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20005; Wash- 
ington Area Committee for the Abolition of HUAC/HISC ; 



Ann Ricks, 1419 Chapin Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20009; 
Corresponding Secretary, Washington Area Committee for the 
Abolition of HUAC/HISC ; 

Rev. Charlie Rother, 1620 S Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20036 ; 
Chaplain, American University; 

Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Russell (Margaret), 2930 Legation Street, 
NW, Washington, D. C. 20015; Treasurer, Washington Area 
Committee for the Abolition of HUAC/HISC ; 

Fred C. Samuelson, 12013 Viers Mill Road, Silver Spring, Mary- 
land 20906; Washington Area Committee for the Abolition of 

Francois Somlyo, 1216 H Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20005; 
Business Agent, Cooks, Pastry Cooks & Kitchen Employees, 
Local 209 ; 

Lawrence Speiser, 1424 16th Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20036 ; 

Director, Washington Office. American Civil Liberties Union ; 
Mr. and Mrs. Pulius Weisser (Ethel), 3923 McKinley Street, NW, 
Washington. D. C. 20015; Secretary, Washington Area Com- 
mittee for the Abolition of HUAC/HISC (Mrs.) 

Bill Woolf, 1756 Corcoran Street, NW, Washington, D. C. 20009; 

Prof. David R. Luce. 2914 North Donner Avenue, Milwaukee, Wis- 
consin 53211; Philosophy, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee; 
Wisconsin Civil Liberties Union. ’ ’ 

Personnel and Leadership 

In other reports we have repeatedly warned that mere 
membership in a Communist front organization does not 
necessarily imply that a member is pro-Communist. 
Front organizations are designed to attract the unwary 
liberal, and most fronts have succeeded in this respect. 
It is hard to conceive of a person of intelligence belong- 
ing to the Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights 
under Rose Chernin’s leadership, or to NCA-HUAC/ 
IIISC under Frank Wilkinson’s leadership, however, 
without being fully aware of the real nature of these 

We have already indicated that the Committee for the 
Defense of the Bill of Rights operates to provide bail 
and legal talent for members of the radical Left. This, of 
course, includes anyone deemed valuable to the Commu- 
nist movement. There have been instances where the In- 
ternational Labor Defense in California (forerunner of 
LACDBR), provided bail for a Stalinist Communist and 
then withdrew it when he became a Trotskyist Commu- 
nist. (Testimony of Norman Mini, transcript, Los Angeles 
hearing, 1950.) 


A contention frequently advanced by critics of HI SC 
and other official investigating agencies in the domestic 
subversion field is that they are not needed, and that all 
of their activities should be handled by the Federal Bu- 
reau of Investigation. This assertion has deluded many 
uninformed people, but the truth is that the FBI is not 
permitted to make public disclosures of its findings, it 
has no power of subpoena, and it reports to no law-mak- 
ing body. Legislative fact-finding committees have served 
as sources of information to law-making groups, state 
and federal, ever since colonial days in the United States. 

The theory behind the operation of these bodies is sim- 
ply that they are invested with broad investigating pow- 
ers, and their sole function is to provide accurate infor- 
mation which may or may not be the subject of 
subsequent legislation, to the bodies by which they were 
created. Their activity is not measured in the volume of 
laws their disclosures initiate, but rather in the extent and 
accuracy of the information they provide on the matters 
within their jurisdiction. 

Another complaint often made by Communist front or- 
ganizations in general, and the one under discussion in 
particular, is against what has become known as “guilt 
by association,” and a word concerning this propaganda 
device might not be amiss at this point. There is nothing 
inherently abhorrent about this term — although the radi- 
cal Left has sought to give it a connotation of something 
evil. It is nothing more than the principle of a man being 
known by the company he prefers to keep, as he is 
known by his personal habits, the clothes he wears, the 
books he reads and the organizations to which he belongs. 
He does these things by his own freedom of choice. The 
law has long taken cognizance of this in its provisions 
concerning conspiracy. If a man chooses to support the 
American Nazi Party, Minutemen, Ku Klux Klan, and 
States Rights Party — all militantly Right organizations, 
and he reads Fascist literature consistently, supports 
Nazi Party candidates for public office, and attends meet- 
ings featuring Gerald L. K. Smith — that is working one 
side of the ideological street, and the Communist front 
organizations would be the first to attack such a person 
as an activist of the radical Right. If he chooses to fol- 
low the same pattern with persons and organizations of 



the extreme Left, he is free to do so, but he cannot escape 
the fact that his tendencies and habits will be judged by 
his actions and his associations. It certainly would not 
mean that the man was either a member of the American 
Nazi Party or the Communist Party, but his support of 
these organizations of the extreme right or left would 
most assuredly indicate his sympathy for one or the. 
other extreme ideology. Formal membership in subversive 
organizations is quite another matter and requires a 
vastly different sort of evidence. At this point, and in the 
light of what we shall say about the leaders of NCA- 
HUAC/HISC, it is also appropriate that we should 
point out the meaning of the term “identified Commu- 
nist.” By that term we refer to unrefuted sworn testi- 
mony concerning a person’s membership in the Commu- 
nist Party by a witness or witnesses who served in the 
organization with the person under discussion. Obviously, 
no Communist Party member is happy at being exposed 
in his undercover and subversive activities by witnesses 
before legislative committees ; hence, the vituperation and 
campaigns of abuse that have been waged against under- 
cover operatives for federal and state governments; and 
it is equally clear that the abolition of legislative com-, 
mittees, state and federal, would enable the Communist 
Party to operate with greater freedom and security. 

We have already explained the Communist Party mem- 
bership of Mr. Frank Wilkinson, the National Executive 
Director of NCA-HUAC/HISC, and the fact that he 
served a term in a federal penal institution for con- 
tempt of the House Committee. It remains to discuss 
briefly the Communist affiliations of some of the other 
leaders of this organization, in order to remove any 
doubt concerning the real control of its operations. 

Richard Criley graduated from the University of Cali- 
fornia at Berkeley in 1934, and thereafter became an 
official of the Young Communist League in the East 
Bay area. He has been identified as a Communist by four 
witnesses who were in the Party with him and who testi- 
fied before the House Committee. He was a speaker at 
the 1938 California State Communist Party convention, 
and was expelled from Local 26, United Packing House 
Workers of America, because of his Communist activi- 
ties. At present he is Secretary of the Midwest Regional 



office for NCA-HUAC/HISC, at Chicago, Illinois. (See 
HU AC report, July, 1954; See report, Congressional 
Record, May 3, 1961, page 4.) 

The NCA-HUAC/HISC continues to flourish pursuant 
to its expanded objectives, and a familiarity with its 
leaders, officers, and sponsors removes any lingering 
doubt about the fact that this organization is under com- 
plete Communist Party domination, and has been so since 
it came into existence in 1960. Indeed, no sooner had 
the House Committee been established in 1938 than the 
Communist propaganda machine was set in motion to 
hamper its investigations and bring about its abolition. 
(The Communist, Sept., 1938; Proceedings, 14th National 
Convention, Communist Party of the United States, New 
York, August 6, 1948.) 

The Daily Worker, May 25, 1950, describing a session 
of the National Committee of the Communist Party, 
U. S. A., on May 22 and 23, 1950, stated that: 

“Joe Brandt, who is now in charge of the defense 
campaign of the Party, then reported that the Non- 
Partisan Committee for the Defense of the 12 Com- 
munist leaders and the Civil Rights Congress are 
planning activities for the Abolition of the Un- 
American Committee.” 

This official declaration by the Party heralded the cre- 
ation of the NCA-HUAC/HISC, as we have explained. 
The National Chairman, Harvey O’Connor has been 
identified as a member of the Communist Party, (HUAC 
report, October, 1962) so has Prank Wilkinson, its Ex- 
ecutive Director, Richard Criley, who heads its mid- 
west region, and Carl and Anne Braden who operate 
in its southern region. Space will not permit, nor would 
any real purpose be gained, by setting forth here, the 
detailed Communist Front activities of all the other 
officers and sponsors of the organization. Although it 
has found more support among its contacts outside of 
Congress than in the House of Representatives of that 
body, it continues to operate more energetically than 







EXHIBIT I— Continued 


In regard to the proposals to improve the work in Southern California 
of the national campaign to abolish HUAC, submitted on behalf of the 
CCPAF Executive Board by Betty Rottger on January 14, 1966, I vote as 
f o 1 1 ows : 

I...J I approve 

/ / I disapprove 

Note: lr. addition to the proposals submitted by the Executive Board, 

your own suggestions regarding ways and means of improving the 
HUAC abolition campaign in the Southern California area are most 
we 1 come . 


If the proposals to dissolve the Citizens Committee to Preserve American 
Freedoms and establish a new organization to be known as "Southern 
Californians For the Abolition of the House Un-American Activities Com- 
mittee", are approved: 

I wish to continue as a member of the 

Executive Board of the new organization L j 

I am unable to continue as a member of the 
Executive Board of the new organization / / 








□ Enclosed is my petition in concurrence with the constitutional law 

authorities. Please present it to my Representative before Congress 
convenes on January 4, 1965. Please send me more copies. 

□ Enclosed is $ as my contribution toward the National 

Committee’s campaign to abolish HUAC. 

(Make checks payable to ROBERT W. KENNY, Treasurer) 



City State Zip code. 

Honorary Chairmen 

Chairman Emeritus James Imbrie Chairman 

Aubrey W. Williams Alexander Meiklejohn Harvey O’Connor 
Clarence Pickett 

555 North Western Avenue #2 / Los Angeles 4, Calif. / HOllywood 2-1329 





Southern Californians to Abolish HUAC/HISC 

555 N. Western Avenue, P.O. Box 74757, Los Angeles, California 90004, 462-1329 

Oppose the SAOB Hearings in Los Angeles 

The first witch hunt in Los Angeles since 1962 has been 
set for next Tuesday - June 17th! 

Acting under HUAC/HISC’ s revived Internal Security Act, 
the Subversive Activities Control Board has selected 
Los Angeles for its first "hearing" outside of Washington. 

Your Southern Californians to Abolish HUAC/HISC warned 
and informed regarding the threat to our liberties under 
the new Act. After several decisions of the Supreme Court 
of the United States had declared the original law to be 
unenforceable and unconstitutional, we helped organize 
opposition to the HUAC/HISC scheme to nullify the high 
court decisions and revive the Act. 

Los Angeles* leading clergymen, a score of our professors 
of law, and over one thousand other citizens petitioned 
against the revived Act. 12 Southern California Congress- 
men voted against reviving the Act. 

But we lost. The Act was revived. 

Now, the Nixon Administration has moved to use the new 
law as part of their arsenal of repression. Deputy Attorney 
General Richard Kleindienst has announced that the Justice 
Department is "not just going to keep" the Act alive, but 
would "give it momentum." 

The enclosed literature speaks for itself. 

We must act. 

We urge you: 

1 - Wire your Congressmen to ask the Justice Department 
to stop proceedings until the Supreme Court can again 
rule on its constitutionality; - and to introduce leg- 
islation to repeal the revived Act, and its corollary 

Come down and join the picket line in front of the old 
Federal Building (312 N. Spring Street) - from 
10 a.m. to 4 p.m. next Tuesday, June 17th! 


3 - Use the enclosed envelope to contribute to SCAHUAC/HISC’s 
special expenses in connection with our education - 
action campaign against the SACB witch hunt! 


The National Party 

The Communist Party of the United States was cre- 
ated from the left wing of the Socialist Party at a Chi- 
cago convention in September, 1919. Thereafter it per- 
fected its organization over a period of five years, always 
recruiting on a highly selective basis rather than attempt- 
ing to build a large mass revolutionary organization. At 
first the country was divided into districts, California, 
Arizona and Nevada comprising District 13 with head- 
quarters in San Francisco. A few years ago this desig- 
nation was dropped, and District 13 thenceforth com- 
prised California, Arizona and Hawaii, and still more 
recently California achieved a significance that entitled 
it to have a Communist organization of its own, divided 
into Northern and Southern districts, which will be ex- 
amined in detail later. 

It is difficult to convince people of how the Communist 
Party, a relatively small organization, can exert an enor- 
mous influence far out of proportion to its numerical 
strength. This is achieved, of course, because of its elab- 
orate network of front organizations, its smoothly-func- 
tioning propaganda machinery, its highly disciplined and 
trained membership, its function as a part of an inter- 
national Communist movement, its dual structure of above 
and below ground organizations, and its vast support 
from fellow travelers, members at large, sympathizers, 
and so-called “sleepers”, or those persons under Party 
discipline who are placed in sensitive positions and who 
remain dormant until they are called upon to perform 
a service for the Party. 

The Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation 
stated in 1965 that “few things would give the Com- 
munist Party, U.S.A., more comfort than a widespread 
underestimation of the menace which it presents to the 
internal security of the Nation.” (Testimony, Hearing 
before House Subcommittee on Appropriations, March 
4, 1965.) 




The present National Head of the Communist Party 
in this country, Gus Hall, had expressed his views con- 
cerning the Federal Bureau of Investigation on several 
occasions. Two years before Mr. Hoover’s testimony, 
Hall had declared: “We Communists are well acquainted 
with the unlawful, degenerate activities of the F. B. I. 
We know about their business of lying, of manufacturing 
evidence, illegal tapping of telephones, illegal breaking 
into homes, their practice of intimidation and coercion, 
about the method of keeping a file on all public officials 
and using them to assure huge appropriations for itself 
and to keep an atmosphere of fear so there is no criti- 
cism of its activities.” ( Communist Viewpoint , official 
Communist publication, Yol. I, Nos. 5 and 6, 1963, page 

Mr. Hall also made a significant statement, perhaps in 
an unguarded moment, when he declared: “. . . I think 
that we are a bigger factor in American life than most 
people want to recognize or even fully appreciate.” 
(Mike Wallace interview, Dec. 28, 1959, transcript, page 

The national headquarters for the CPUS A is situated 
in a drab brick building at 23 West 26th Street, Room 
305, New York City. For security reasons, however, little 
important business is transacted there, the affairs of the* 
organization being conducted from the residences of its 
leaders, and records concerning membership and payment 
of dues no longer being maintained at a central location 
by written record, but rather by subordinate Party units 
throughout the country, and, if reduced to writing at all, 
kept in code. No membership books, cards, or other writ- 
ten indications of membership have been issued by the 
Party since December, 1947, which renders the phrase: 

Card-carrying Communists” obsolete. 

Spokesmen for the Party would like to have us believe 
that it operates wholly independently from the headquar- 
ters for the international Communist movement in Mos- 
cow, that it advocates a transition from our present form 
of government to Communism by education and peaceful 
persuasion, that it abhors force and violence, and that its 
great concern is the preservation of world peace. 

The fact that the Communist Party of the United 
States is an integral part of the world Communist move- 


ment, with the ideology, the experience, the strategy, the 
discipline, the dedication, and the energy that flows to it 
from the longevity of its operation and its ties with for- 
eign organizations, sets it apart as distinct and far more 
dangerous than all of the other domestic subversive or- 
ganizations combined. As one expert has put it : 

“In one very important respect, the American 
Communist Party differed from all political organi- 
zations that had preceded it in American history. 
This was its connection with the world Communist 
movement, making the local Party a piece of politi- 
cal and administrative apparatus in a larger struc- 
ture of international organizations, managed from 
the Soviet Union.” ( The Communist Controversy in 
Washington , by Earl Latham. Harvard University 
Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1966, page 19. Dr. 
Latham is chairman of the Department of Political 
Science at Amherst College.) 

We have frequently described the organizational struc- 
ture of the CPUS A, and have no intention of repeating 
the detailed explanations concerning it that have ap- 
peared in previous reports. It is, however, necessary to 
know that the most populous states such as California 
and New York are allowed to have their own Party or- 
ganizations, subordinate to the national body, and that 
the less populous states are sometimes grouped together 
to form districts. Nationwide activities are conducted by 
a Secretariat of the National Committee. This is an exact 
duplicate of the Soviet system, in which a Central Com- 
mittee is operated by a political bureau, and that organi- 
zation is run by a Secretariat. Both in the Soviet Union 
and in the United States, the General Secretary is the 
highest official in the Communist organization. There are 
also numerous commissions, such as commissions on labor, 
racial minority groups, youth, agriculture, and the like. 
The whole system operates under a principle which is 
designated as Democratic Centralism. This is supposed 
to mean that the decisions are made by the membership- 
at-large, conveyed to the top leadership, and by it placed 
into operation. Actually, however, the exact reverse has 
been true in practice. The decisions are made at the top 
and transmitted through various subordinate function- 



aries to the state and district organizations and then im- 
plemented by action at these lower levels. Any criticism 
of the world Communist line as announced from the 
Soviet Union is summarily squashed, dissident members 
are expelled, discipline from the top is rigid and puni- 
tive, and this deviation from the democratic principle 
has, as we shall see, caused deep rifts in the Party mem- 

In previous years we have devoted much attention to, 
the Communist educational systems through its network 
of schools, its propaganda outlets, its underground ap- 
paratus, its “special sections” devoted to espionage, and’ 
its system of communicating with foreign Communist 
Parties by sending delegates to international front or- 
ganization meetings, and by means of couriers^ 

National Leadership 

The late William Z. Foster, a militant trade union or- 
ganizer, Earl Browder and Gus Hall are the three gen- 
eral secretaries of the Communist Party of the United 
States who are widely known. Foster led the Party in 
its great crusade to infiltrate and dominate key trade 
union organizations in this country; Browder was more 
intellectually inclined, wrote extensively, and was even- 
tually expelled from the Party because he was deemed 
insufficiently militant. The present leader of the CPUS A 
is Gus Hall, and since he virtually dictates the activities 
of the national organization, and because we have not 
devoted sufficient attention to him in the past, and be- 
cause of his frequent appearances in California, we will 
examine his background and activities at some length. 

The General Secretary, CPUSA 

Gus Hall was born Arvo Kusta Halberg, October 8, 
1910 in Minnesota. He worked as a lumberjack and a 
steel worker, served in the U.S. Navy for 14 months, 
and became a member of the young Communist League 
when he was approximately 16 years of age. Charac- 
terized by a tough, blunt and active attitude, Hall rose 
rapidly in the ranks of the Communist Party, had his 
name legally changed to the one he now uses, and was 
soon functioning in Ohio as a Communist Party official 
and an organizer in the steel industry. He spent several 



years attending the Lenin School in Moscow, where he 
roomed with Leonard Patterson, a former member of 
the Communist Party who has testified extensively con- 
cerning their activities in the Soviet Union. 

In the Lenin School, Hall learned about street fighting, 
the use of explosives and other revolutionary techniques. 
It would appear, of course, that if the CPUSA spoke 
the truth when it insisted and still insists upon its peace- 
ful attitude and its opposition to violence, it would have 
been superfluous to teach the American students at the 
Lenin School a sophisticated technique in blowing up 
buildings, bridges and other public works. Hall returned 
to the United States and lost little time in putting his 
lessons to the practical test. As a leader of the Steel 
Workers’ Organizing Committee, he ran a strike in Ohio 
against the Republic Steel Corporation. Lester Abele 
was at the time adjutant for the 73rd Brigade, Ohio 
National Guard and was a speaker for the Ohio House 
of Representatives. His testimony concerning Hall’s ac- 
tivities in the strike was detailed before the Senate In- 
ternal Security Subcommittee, February 2 and 3, 1960, 
pages 25, 26, 27 : 

“We obtained the confessions of an Arthur Scott, 
and also John Borawies, and George Bundas. The 
gist of the confessions was this, that Gus Hall was 
the leader of the group who obtained, or sent for 
and obtained, dynamite and nitro-glycerin . . . the 
orders of Gus Hall, according to these confessions, 
were to blow up and destroy the property of the 
Republic Steel Corp., homes of non-striking work- 
ers ; railroad property, including tracks and bridges. 
They were to blow up the huge tanks, holding per- 
haps a quarter of a million gallons of highly volatile 
benzol on the property of the Republic Steel Corp. 
They were to blow up the Municipal Electric Light 
plant in Warren. They were to destroy the power 
transformers near the steel plant. The Meander Dam 
. . . was to have been blown up. There were plans 
to fly over the steel plant shops in an airplane and 
drop bombs.” 

When Hall appeared before the subcommittee and was 
asked to comment on or refute any of these charges, he 



refused to do so, claiming the protection of the Fifth 

Edward J. Herzog, former undercover member of the 
Communist Party, also has testified that he had knowl- 
edge of Hall directing the attacks against the strike- 
bound corporation, and that Hall “told the boys to go to 
Oil City and bring back some nitro-glycerin . . . there 
were rifles, shotguns, clubs, ballbats, pieces of pipe, pieces 
of old sickle onto clubs, and a couple of tommy guns . . . 
there were about 3 gallons of nitro-glycerin in the head- 
quarters at that time, and Gus told Art Scott to get the 
crew together and go down and blow out the bridge 
across the plant . . . and to take another lot out and 
blow up the benzol plant. They had approximately a 
quarter of a million gallons of volatile benzol. Gus gave 
them orders to go out and blow up the benzol plant.” 
(Testimony of Edward J. Herzog, Senate Internal Secu- 
rity Subcommittee, February 2 and 3, 1960, page 27 ; 
see also Testimony of Leonard Patterson, Senate In- 
ternal Security Subcommittee Report, op.cit., pages 14, 

An indication of Hall’s early attitude toward revolu- 
tion in the United States is seen in an excerpt from the 
transcript of his testimony in the case of Minnesota v. 
Halberg, et al., 1934, as follows: 

“ . . . the working class elements of the Army and 
Navy will fight with the workers and farmers when 
the time comes. Q. You mean that certain traitorous 
gentlemen in the Army and Navy will join with you 
in overthrowing the Government 1 ? A. Absolutely.” 

A convincing example of the duplicity of Communist 
leaders, and their slavish devotion to the inconsistent 
turns and twists of the international party line, is seen 
■when, during an interview by Mike Wallace, referred to 
above, on December 28 1959, Hall said: “Mao Tse-tung 
is a Communist and stands for peace.” (Transcript of' 
Mike Wallace interview.) But, writing in the theoretical 
publication of the National Committee of the CPUS A, 
October 1963, Hall declared that: “ . . . the conflict, it is 
clear, has now gone far beyond ideological disputes be- 
tween Communist parties, and has taken on the character 
of all-out warfare by the Communist Party of China 



against the fundamental views and policies of the rest of 
the international Communist movement. . . . nor is the 
Chinese leaders’ assault on the party (CPUS A) confined 
to this. The editorial (by Mao in the Peking Review , Aug. 
1963) states that ‘there are not a small number of genu- 
ine Communists, both inside and outside the Communist 
Party of the United States, who firmly adhere to Marx- 
ism-Leninism and oppose Revisionism and Dogmatism.’ 
It expresses the highest hopes for these Revolutionary 
Marxists-Leninists in the United States. And who are 
these ‘genuine Communists’? Obviously, these individuals 
who oppose the ideological position and policies of our 
Party and support those of the CPC, [Communist Party 
of China.] And what is this pronouncement, if not en- 
couragement to such elements ‘both inside and outside’ 
the Party to work to undermine and destroy it? In fact, 
it is no secret that the Chinese party gives support and 
encouragement to anti-Party splinter groups, led mainly 
by individuals who have been expelled from the Commu- 
nist Party, to carry on such activities. Thus, to the delib- 
erate falsification of our position, and to slanders about 
following the Soviet baton, the CPC adds its direct 
support of anti-Party elements working to disrupt and 
wreck the Party.” (Editorial, Political Affairs, October, 
1963, pages 18 and 19.) And this was published before 
the leader of the Chinese Communist, Mao Tse-tung, 
whom Hall had described as “a Communist who stands 
for peace,” sent his armed forces to open fire on Soviet 
troops in the sensitive border area between the two coun- 
tries. Afterwards, Hall reversed himself and said: 

“As for Chinese-Soviet relations, matters have 
worsened. The armed border attacks on the Soviet 
forces were due to the Mao dictatorial leadership, 
which is following a path of rank nationalism and 
great-power chauvinism. Anyone who knows the poli- 
cies of the Soviet Union and of Mao cannot hut con- 
clude that the provocation is from the side of the 
Chinese (Our italics.) The Mao leadership has delib- 
erately aggravated the Soviet-Chinese relations and 
further whipped up nationalist and chauvinist feel- 
ings, either to interfere with the progress of the com- 
ing World Conference of Communist and Workers’ 



Parties, or to bring about conditions intended to in- 
terfere with the advance of the Soviet Union.” {The 
.Revolutionary Process, by Gus Hall, Report to the 
19th National Convention of the Communist Party, 
U.S.A., by its General Secretary. New Outlook Pub- 
lishers, 32 Union Square East, Room 801, New York, 
NY 10003, June, 1969.) 

Cpmmunists have become accustomed by long practice 
to these bland contradictions that appear foolish to 
others. They declare themselves opposed to force, except 
against the establishment that is so misguided as to 
resist their efforts to destroy it. They are for peaceful 
co-existence, so long as it fits the Communist plan for 
world domination. It opposes “imperialist wars”, but 
“peoples wars” are justifiable. It practices “democratic 
centralism” so long as there is no opposition to the ruling 
hierarchy, and if there is, the dissidents are summarily 
liquidated. Stalin was acclaimed as an infallible saviour 
until he died and was attacked by a successor, then after 
more than a quarter of a century of adulation he sud- 
denly became a monster. Our former Secretary of State, 
Dean Atcheson, has stated: “The Russian idea of nego- 
tiation is carrying on war by other means.” (Televised 
statement to Eric Severeid, September 28, 1969.) 

Unless one understands this natural duplicity, which is 
inherent as breathing to Communists, one is simply not 
equipped to comprehend their deadly day-to-day menace 
to our society. It enabled diplomatic representatives of 
the USSR to deliberately lie to us concerning the nuclear 
missiles in Cuba — for, in Marxian concept, this is simply 
a weapon in the inexorable progress of their drive toward 
world domination. 

The late Robert F. Kennedy has vividly described this 
incredible deception: 

“. . . on September 11, (1962), Moscow disclaimed 
publicly any intention of taking such action and 
stated that there was no need for nuclear missiles 
to be transferred to any country outside the Soviet 
Union, including Cuba. 

During this period of time, an important official 
in the Soviet Embassy, returning from Moscow, 
brought me a personal message from Khrushchev 



to President Kennedy, stating that he wanted the 
President to be assured that under no circumstances 
would surface-to-surface missiles be sent to Cuba. 

Now, as representatives of the CIA explained the 
U-2 photographs that morning, Tuesday, October 16, 
we realized that it had all been lies, one gigantic 
fabric of lies. The Russians were putting missiles in 
Cuba, and they had been shipping them there and 
beginning the construction of the sites at the same 
time those various private and public assurances 
were being forwarded by Chairman Khrushchev to 
President Kennedy.” ( Thirteen Bays, A Memoir of 
the Cuban Missile Crisis, by Robert F. Kennedy. 
W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., N.Y., 1969, page 

International Connections 

The Communist movement is a drive against all non- 
Communist societies. It has always been a global move- 
ment, with close connections between the various parties, 
and all led by the USSR. In the beginning the parties 
were commanded and monitored by Comintern represent- 
atives, Soviet agents sent abroad by the Communist 
(third) International in Moscow. This central organiza- 
tion was divided into sections that specialized in the in- 
filtration of labor organizations, the provision of legal 
aid to Party members, and agitation and propaganda. 

In the face of massive evidence to the contrary, Ameri- 
can Communists have largely succeeded in their deter- 
mined campaign to clothe the Party with a certain aura 
of respectability. At the same time, the propaganda 
against the FBI and other authoritative sources is cal- 
culated to discredit all evidence concerning the subver- 
sive nature of the CPUS A. Thus among students and 
younger members of faculties of our educational system, 
we find a new and growing acceptance of and accommoda- 
tion with Communists, and a refusal to accept evidence 
against them. This attitude is by no means universal, but 
it is growing — a fact made evident by a recent resolution 
by the Statewide Academic Senate of the University of 
California, urging repeal of the prohibition against the 
employment of Communists on the faculties of the nine 
campuses of that State-supported institution. 



A little monthly magazine called “ Political Affairs ” is 
the publication of the National Committee, CPUSA. It is 
about the size of Readers’ Digest, but assuredly has no 
other resemblance to that magazine. It makes dreary 
reading, but it does accurately carry both the world and 
national Party line. In the issue for August 1949, page 
29, it declared that “in their fight for unity the Commu- 
nists have a tested weapon. It has brought victory in 
glorious battles for the cause of the working class, for 
Socialism. It is proletarian internationalism.” 

Gus Hall also has had something to say about the inter- 
national connections of the Communist Party, and in 
the April, 1969, issue of Political Affairs, he wrote: 

“The CPUSA disaffiliated from the Cl (Commu- 
nist International) sometime before the Interna- 
tional was discontinued. This ‘disaffiliation’ was not 
only because of anti-Communist laws. It was moti- 
vated by the opportunistic, deep-seated Browder 
revisionist trends that had already set in. The act 
of ‘disaffiliation’ from a world organization only 
added fuel to the fires of opportunism and revision. 

This excerpt, in which Hall places the word “disaffilia- 
tion” in quotation marks, can only mean that the pur- 
ported break from the international organization was a 
quotation-mark-break only, not a real one, and that it 
also was a mistake. If so, then bearing in mind that Hall, 
pot Browder, now heads the CPUSA, one may assume 
that he has taken appropriate steps to correct this error. 

Among the departments of the Secretariat in the For- 
eign Department of the Soviet Union, one has jurisdiction 
over “registration and allocation of international cadres, 
ministry of foreign affairs ; communications and con- 
trolling contacts with foreign Communist Parties ; for- 
eign Communist Parties in non-Communist Countries; (our 
italics) World-wide Communist Trade Union Movement; 
‘Fighters for Peace;’ World- wide Communist Youth 
Movement (The ‘Festivals’) ; Periodical Problems of 
Peace and Socialism.” (The Communist Party Apparatus, 
by Abdurakhman Avtorkhanov, Henry Regnery Com- 
pany, Chicago, published in cooperation with Foun- 
dation for Foreign Affairs, Inc., 1966, pages 204-205.) 
The author is a former member of the Communist Party 


of the Soviet Union, ex-chief of its organization bureau, 
Chechen region Party Committee, and head of the Com- 
munist publishing house, and a graduate of the Institute 
of Red Professors in 1937. He is also a founder of the 
Munich Institute for the Study of the USSR, and Profes- 
sor of Political Science at the U.S. Army Institute for 
Advanced Russian Research. In 1966, the Soviet Commu- 
nist functionary who was in charge of the “contacts with 
foreign Communist parties and foreign Communist par- 
ties in nine Communist Countries,” was Yuri Ponomarev, 
and so far as we know, he still occupies that position. 

There is also a network of international fronts, some of 
the more important ones being the World Federation of 
Trade Unions, the World Federation of Democratic 
Youth, International Juridical Association, World Fed- 
eration of Democratic Writers, and the International 
Union of Students. The latter organization has its head- 
quarters at Vocelova III Prague II Czechoslovakia. It, in 
turn, is connected with radical youth groups throughout 
the world. Some of them are the Bolivian University Fed- 
eration, National Union of Students of Brazil, National 
Council of Colombian Youth, All-India Student and Youth 
Federation, Confederation of Iranian Students, Coalition 
of Teachers and Struggle Committees of Mexico, General 
Union of Palestinian Students, University Students Fed- 
eration of Peru, Federation of Uruguayan University 
Students, Japanese Zengakuren, Porto Rican University 
Federation, and, of course, the several Marxist radical 
youth groups in the United States. (International Student 
Union News Service Bulletins, 1968, 1969, 1970.) 

The Bulletins of the International Union of Students 
are sent to educational institutions throughout the world, 
with heavy saturation in the United States. They are prop- 
aganda media that not only serve to disseminate informa- 
tion concerning student radical demonstrations and ac- 
tivities in other countries, but also to distribute the most 
blatant propaganda attacks against the United States, its 
armed forces, its constituted authorities, and its educa- 
tional institutions. The American delegates are sent to the 
ISU meetings, such as those held jointly by the World 
Federation of Democratic Youth and the International 
Union of Students at Czechoslovakia during September 
and October, 1967. 



Gus Hall, the head of the CPUS A, has repeatedly 
stressed the need for more international solidarity. At the 
Consultative Conference of Communist and Workers’ 
Parties at Budapest, February 28, 1968, he declared that : 
“The new level of the military struggle in Vietnam must 
be watched by a new level of political, ideological and dip- 
lomatic struggle in every continent in every country, in 
every city and hamlet the world over ...” ( Political Af- 
fairs, April, 1968, page 1.) The demonstrations, racial 
troubles, bombings, rebellions of students, attacks against 
moderates and conservatives are faithfully reported’ and 
encouraged in this massive flood of propaganda material 
that flows into our schools from a variety of the world 
Communist front organization networks. At the same time 
an attack is levelled against our police, our National 
Guard, and our confidence in the Armed Forces of the 
United States. 

A World Seminar on National Liberation was held at 
Alma-Ata, capital of the Soviet Republic of Afghanistan, 
October 1-7, 1969. An account of the conference is printed 
in Political Affairs for February, 1970, page 20. More than 
100 delegates attended, conferring on matters of revolution 
and propaganda techniques, and the personnel included 
“liberation fighters from Africa, Asia, South America, the 
Middle East and from the United States.” 

From February 21 to 28, 1969, representatives of Na- 
tional Student Unions from 37 countries and two inter- 
national organizations attended the Executive Committee 
meeting of the International Union of Students at the sea- 
side resort of Varna, Bulgaria, where exchanges of infor- 
mation and experiences were made through representa- 
tives travelling from these foreign countries, which 
included the United States. ( ISU News Service, Nos. 7-8, 
April, 1969.) 

A few years ago our Government denied passports to 
representatives of domestic subversive groups, but de- 
cisions by the Supreme Court struck down the last re- 
strictions, and now we sit helplessly by while agents of 
the Communist Party of the United States, Students for 
a Democratic Society, Progressive Labor Party, Socialist 
Workers’ Party, and other Marxian organizations travel 
freely back and forth to Cuba and other countries, re- 
turning with fresh instructions, fresh training, and re- 



newed dedication to work for our destruction. At the 
same time the Students for a Democratic Society, despite 
its announced plan to destroy our Government by force 
and violence, is accorded official recognition on our state- 
supported campuses, and Communist speakers are allowed 
free use of our state-owned facilities to indoctrinate the 
students and incite them to defiant rebellion. 

In the face of this, the CPUS A has the effrontery to 
insult our intelligence by telling us that it has no organi- 
zational connections abroad, that it seeks to accomplish 
our overthrow by a nonviolent means. We have neither 
the space nor the inclination to clutter this report with 
more examples of these international connections, since 
any effort to describe all of the global fronts would re- 
quire a volume. 

One other such organization should be mentioned, how- 
ever, and that is the World Peace Council which is based 
in Vienna, and although it numbers many non-Commu- 
nists among its members, it is operated by an Executive 
Bureau that has always been under Communist control, 
(World-Wide Communist Propaganda Activities , F. 
Bowen Evans, Ed., the MacMillan Company, New York 
1955, pages 112-116.) Members of other fronts staff the 
important offices of the World Peace Council, and many 
of them are from the World Federation of Trade Unions, 
the Womens’ International Democratic Federation, the 
World Federation of Scientific Workers, and the Inter- 
national Association of Democratic Lawyers. The organi- 
zation has met in Vienna, East Berlin and Stockholm — 
the most recent meeting in East Germany having been 
described briefly in connection with the two visits to that 
affair by Irving Sarnoff, Chairman of the Peace Action 

We have described a few of these organizations to dis- 
pel any notion that the CPUS A operates in isolation and 
makes its own decisions in complete independence of the 
rest of the world Communist movement. And, obviously, 
with delegates constantly traveling from one to another 
of these far-flung fronts, there is a continuous interchange 
of information, and a continuous correlation of propa- 
ganda and activity. 



Force and Violence 

The CPUS A has consistently insisted that it never ad- 
vocates the use of force and violence to accomplish its 
revolutionary objectives. This contention not only ap- 
pears in its publications intended for the general public, 
but is also hammered home to its rank and file members 
at club meetings. But if the attempt to subvert us meets 
with forcible resistance, then, according to Communist 
ideology, they must reluctantly resort to force and terror 
which is made necessary by the class enemy — us. The use 
of violence then becomes the fault of the existing regime 
instead of the forces that rise in revolution to overthrow 
it. (Marx and Engels, Selected Works , Foreign Lan- 
guages Publishing House, Moscow, 1951. Vol. I, pages 
45, 46, 54, 62, 65.) 

There can be little doubt about the attitude towards 
the use of force and violence and revolutionary activities 
on part of the Soviet Union. A few authoritative sources 
will suffice to settle that matter, and beginning with the 
doctrines of Marx and Engels we find these principles 
continued by Nikita Khrushchev in his report to the 20th 
Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union: 

“ While noting that the possibility of a peaceful 
resolution has appeared, Marxists-Leninists are at 
the same time aware of the fact that in a number of 
cases a sharp accentuation of the class struggle is 
inevitable. Wherever the reactionary bourgeoisie has 
a strong army and police force at its disposal, the 
working class will encounter fierce resistance. There 
can be no doubt that in a number of capitalist coun- 
tries the overthrow of the bourgeois dictatorship will 
inevitably take place through an armed class strug- 
gle.” (Report to the Central Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of the Soviet Union , by Nikita Khrush- 
chev, 20th Congress.) 

Khrushchev reiterated this principle in an article which 
appears in the World Marxist Review, as follows: 

“Marxism-Leninism starts from the premise that 
the forms of the transition to Socialism may be 
peaceful and non-peaceful. It is in the interests of 
the working class of the masses, that the revolution 
be carried out in a peaceful way. But in the event 



of the ruling classes resisting the revolution with 
violence and refusing to submit to the will of the 
people, the proletariat will be obliged to crush their 
resistance and launch a resolute civil war.” ( World 
Marxist Review , January 1961, page 23.) 

Leonid Brezhnev, who now occupies the position for- 
merly held by Khrushchev, perpetuated this principle 
when he declared to the 23rd Congress of the Soviet 
Communist Party: 

“It goes without saying that there can be no 
peaceful co-existence where the internal processes 
of the class and national-liberation struggle in the 
capitalist countries or in the colonies are concerned. 
Peaceful co-existence is not applicable to the rela- 
tions between the oppressor and the oppressed, be- 
tween colonialists and the victims of colonial oppres- 
sion.” ( Brezhnev Report to the Central Committee 
of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union , 23rd 
Congress, World Marxist Review, Canada, May 12, 
1966, page 29.) 

An example of the use of a state-supported educational 
institution for the purpose of providing instruction and 
enthusiasm for forcible overthrow of government, is seen 
in the Experimental College at San Francisco State Col- 
lege, in 1967-1968. The course was entitled “Institute for 
Social Change in Latin America,” in 1967. In 1968, how- 
ever, it was called “Guerrilla Warfare.” The instructor 
was a man who called himself Major Roberto Kaffke. 
The first 1968 course commenced on Tuesday February 
22, and was attended by a gathering of approximately 
125 students. Revolutionary experts other than Kaffke 
were brought in to deliver some of the other lectures. 
The subjects were listed as: “The Ghetto Uprisings, 
Intelligence Operations, Sandino Campaign, Urban War- 
fare, Weapons and Demolitions, Counter-Insurgency 
Tactics, and Perspectives of Revolution in America.” 
(San Francisco State College Daily Gater, February 23, 
1968, page 7.) 

Kaffke said that the “prospects of revolutionary war- 
fare begins” with urban war. War in the cities would be 
followed by mountain warfare, mobile field warfare, 



seizure of State power and the establishment of a new 

Kaffke asserted that he was an honorary member of 
the Nicaraguan Liberation Front and was therefore well 
prepared to brief his class on the theory and tactics of 
Guerrilla warfare. He was also said to be a veteran of 
World War II and of the conflict in Korea, where he 
was a member of the United States Army Combat Engi- 
neers. ( Daily Gater, op. cit.) 

Ue was better known in San Francisco for his partic- 
ipation in various demonstrations in 1963 and 1964, and 
was one of the Bay area students who defied the United 
States Department of State when he went to Cuba in 

1963, and when he was arrested for the demonstration 
at the Sheraton-Palace Hotel in San Francisco in March, 

1964. At that time he was 36 years of age, and had resided 
at 3030 Regent Street, Berkeley, and at 1054 Randolph 
Street, San Francisco. (See Tocsin , July 10, 1963; San, 
Francisco Chronicle, September 20, 1963; Tocsin , March 
18, 1964, pages 1-4.) 

Some of his associates in the Bay area demonstrations 
were Bettina Aptheka, Nora B. Lapin, David L. Jenkins, 
Paul D. Richards and Stephen J. Kahn. 

Courses in guerrilla warfare were also taught at the 
New Left School, which we have already described, and, 
as will be seen, at various other meetings of subversive 
organizations throughout the state and at forums and 
lectures at various educational institutions, all of which 
will be treated in detail in the appropriate succeeding- 
portions of this report. 

Party Affairs is a publication of the Communist Party 
of the United States, and is issued from 23 West 26th 
Street, New York, 10010. The issue for April 30, 1969, 
page 10, carries a declaration by one of the youth clubs 
of the Party from Portland, Oregon, an excerpt regard- 
ing the use of force and violence being as follows: 

“Just as there is no argument that the interna- 
tional approach of the Party revolves around the 
notion of peaceful co-existence, there is no argument 
but that its approach to attaining Socialism in this 
country revolves around the notion of a peaceful 
parliamentary ‘democratic struggle within the 
framework of the antimonopoly coalition’. Peaceful, 



parliamentary and democratic as they are used in 
this perspective are related bits of opportunism and 
reformism that have almost nothing to do with the 
realities of the struggles taking place in this coun- 

In the John Burroughs Junior High School Audi- 
torium, Sixth Street and McCadden Place, Los Angeles, 
a program on various aspects of violence was presented 
under the auspices of an organization, presumbably ad 
hoc, known as Discussion Unlimited. The program com- 
menced on May 9, 1969 at 8:00 P.M., and the featured 
participants were Charles R. Garry, attorney for the 
Black Panthers; Jerome Cohen, attorney for the United 
Farm Workers Organizing Committee, headed by Cesar 
Chavez, and Terrance Hallinan, who was attorney for 
the Associated Students at San Francisco State Univer- 
sity and who was one of the leaders in the founding of the 
DuBois Clubs of America. 

John McTernin, a Los Angeles attorney, was chair- 
man of the evening and the program announced that Mr. 
Garry would discuss “The Black and Brown Commu- 
nity;” Mr. Cohen, “Farm Workers;” Mr. Hallinan, 
“The Vietnam War,” and that Mr. McTernin would 
preside as chairman of the evening. What the program 
neglected to state was that McTernin has been repeat- 
edly identified as a member of the Communist Party of 
the United States, and that according to the program, 
outlined in a folder the violence experienced in connec- 
tion with the activities of the Black Panthers, the United 
Farm Workers Organizing Committee, the dissident stu- 
dents at San Francisco State University, and in connec- 
tion with violence between police and demonstrators were 
all caused by the Establishment instead of by the radical 
demonstrators. (Folder and announcement of program, 
Discussion Unlimited, Inc., 7235 Woodrow Wilson Drive, 
Los Angeles, California 90028.) 

Daniel Rubin put the matter in unmistakable terms 
when he submitted his paper entitled “How a Program 
Can Be Strengthened,” as a preliminary to the new 
program for the CPUS A. He said, in part: 

“On the possibility of peaceful transition, we 
should not speak in absolute terms of violence or 



no violence. There is violence now for which the 
ruling class is responsible, and we are likely to ex- 
perience it in various forms and degrees from here 
on. Our aim, and at this distance it remains a pos- 
sibility, is to prevent major violence, such as a civil 
war, from being precipitated by the ruling class. 
(“ Discussion on Communist Draft Program,” Dan- 
iel Rubin, Political Affairs, May, 1968, page 43 at 
page 52.) 

In connection with Mr. Rubin’s discussion, he pointed 
out the necessity for organizing and indoctrinating the 
liberal teachers and professional workers, saying that 

“. . . Now a section of the New Left has drawn 
more positive conclusions about the working class. 
However, it contends that a single ‘new working 
class’ — teachers and other college-graduated profess 
sional workers — has become the leading sector, on 
the grounds these groups have the training to think 
theoretically and in broad terms and to work out 
a strategy for social progress.” 

Thus we see that from the very inception of the Com- 
munist movement, which originated with the promulga- 
tion of the Communist manifesto by Karl Marx and 
Frederich Engels in 1848, carried on through the Rus- 
sian Revolution of 1917, implemented in savage warfare, 
oppression, tortures, slave camps, purge trials, and ter- 
rorism promulgated by a secret police in the Soviet 
Union, force has always been an essential ingredient of 
Communism. By virtue of the fact that this movement 
is global and revolutionary, and because it believes that 
the end justifies whatever means may be necessary to 
attain it, the record is replete with overwhelming evi- 
dence of underground organizations, fanaticism, and the 
constant practice of deceits and falsehoods, ranging all 
the way from the deliberate lies told to the late Presi- 
dent Kennedy concerning the missile crisis in Cuba, to 
the current declarations of the CPUS A to the effect that 
it abhors violence, while the utterances set forth above 
show that this is merely a weapon in the subversive ar- 
senal of Communism to lull us into a false sense of 



Far from being the decimated, moribund organization 
it would have us believe, the Communist Party in this 
country has had an astounding revival, and has grown 
to exert a power that has enabled it to infiltrate and as- 
sume control of mass organizations such as the Peace 
Action Council, and the other organizations that will be 
dealt with later in this report. An adequate understand- 
ing of the present techniques and menace of the CPUS A 
is utterly impossible unless one also understands the 
record of its past performances. Such an organization, 
operating to a large extent in secrecy, its security precau- 
tions never greater than at present, can only be analyzed 
by a careful scrutiny of its techniques, its contradictory 
statements, its propaganda, its bookstore outlets, its in- 
doctrination schools, the structure of its network of front 
organizations, and its basic literature. But it is only by 
a knowledge of the past that we can adequately prepare 
for the future, and unless we understand thoroughly 
such techniques as the use of the united front, the em- 
ployment of the so-called “Diamond Pattern” by which 
a small group of Communists can infiltrate and take con- 
trol of a far larger mass organization, we have simply 
not armed ourselves with the most fundamental and rudi- 
mentary weapons with which to combat this prime threat 
to our continued existence. 

The Youth Division 

The first Youth Division of the CPUS A was the 
Young Communist League, which was a subordinate 
group in the Young Communist International. This, in 
turn, was a division of the Comintern, and its headquar- 
ters was at Moscow. The late Paul Crouch, an active 
Party functionary for 17 years, was once a director of 
the YCL in the United States. Crouch was also an agent 
of ours for several years, as stated above. 

During World War II, in a gesture to make the entire 
Communist organization less offensive to the United 
States, the CPUS A changed its name to Communist 
Political Association, and the YCL became AmericaP 
Youth for Democracy. Once the need for U.S. military 
aid ended, however, the CPUS A again became the name 
of the American Communist Party, and the name of its 
Youth Division became the Labor Youth League. 



We devoted many pages of our 1965 report to the 
formation of the DuBois Clubs of America, that replaced 
the LYL, and it now remains for us to bring the subject 
up to date by describing the Young (Communists) Work- 
ers’ Liberation League, the latest CPUS A youth or- 
ganization. The DuBois Clubs never quite managed to 
attract radical youth. It started with a flourish after the 
Progressive Youth Organizing Committee met in San 
Francisco in June, 1964. (1965 Report, page 37, et seq.) 

As the membership dwindled, it soon became evident 
that the militant young people throughout the country 
were being attracted more to the dynamic action or- 
ganizations, such as Students for a Democratic Society, 
and also to some of the organizations that followed the 
Chinese Communist line, than to the DuBois Clubs that 
were suffocated with minor internal splits, supervision 
from older and more experienced Communists, and the 
bureaucracy that is always present in any Communist 

Consequently, the membership of the DuBois Clubs 
steadily dwindled until it became a matter of liquidating 
them altogether and sending Communist youth into the 
other organizations, or to replace the DuBois Clubs with 
a new Communist youth division. 

Accordingly, a meeting was held in Sherman House, 
Chicago, February 7-9, 1970. Gus Hall spoke to the meet- 
ing of 395, of whom about 275 were official delegates. The 
main address, however, was delivered by Jarvis Tyner, 
member ^of the National Committee of the CPUS A and 
National Chairman of the DuBois Clubs of America. 

Some idea of the Party’s difficulty in recruiting youth 
is revealed in the statement of Albert J. Lima, Chairman 
of the Northern District of the California CP (Party 
Affairs , March 6, 1969, page 24) and the other articles 
and reports in Party publications. As attempts to or-, 
ganize and recruit fell far short of expectations, the 
columns of Insurgent, official DuBois Clubs publication, 
carried reports of factionalism, disorganization and dis-^ 
appointment. It was not difficult to discern the causes 
for this decline — it was primarily due to competition 
from Students for a Democratic Society, Progressive 
Labor Party, Young Socialist Alliance, and similar 
groups whose members were outside throwing rocks while 


the DuBois members were inside splitting ideological 
hairs and arguing with their Communist elders. The 
resentment of young people against adult discipline, 
whether at a University, at home, or in the Communist 
Party, led many of the DuBois Club members to express 
their impatience with the restraints that were placed 
upon them by older and more patient members of the 
adult party. There was a marked dichotomy between the 
Party leaders who urged a patient program of infiltra- 
tion and domination of other youth organizations, and 
the DuBois Club members who preferred to take to the 
streets and man the barricades. 

From California those who were proposed for places 
on the new governing body of the Young Workers Liber- 
ation League, were James Bond and Mike Lima (son of 
Albert J. Lima), from Northern California, and Kendra 
Alexander and Roberta Woods from the Southern Cali- 
fornia District. Temporary officers were Jarvis Tyner, 
Chairman; Carolyn Black, Black Liberation Secretary; 
Mike Zagerell, Educational Secretary; Barry Cohen, Or- 
ganizational Secretary; Judith Edelman, Trade Union 
Secretary, and Roque Restorucci, Publications Secretary. 
{Combat, March 1, 1970.) 

It is yet too early to predict the direction to be taken 
by the Young Workers Liberation League, and undoubt- 
edly it will concentrate its attention during the next few 
months on increasing the population of the organization 
which is based on the remnants of the DuBois Clubs mem- 
bership and aggregates approximately 800 to 1000 mem- 

It has already followed the CPUS A lead in declaring 
support for the Black Panthers, and since Gus Hall, 
Daniel Rubin, CPUS A, Organizational Secretary, Mike 
Zagerell, National CP committee member, and Jarvis 
Tyner all combined to launch and monitor this new youth 
organization, it will scrupulously conform to and propa- 
gate the Communist Party line. 

Communist Party of California 

There are, of course, many characteristics of the adult 
Communist Party organization that are also found in the 
Youth Division. Before proceeding with the details of the 
Communist organization in California, it will be helpful 



to consider the testimony of a man served for several 
years as an undercover informant for the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation, the accuracy of whose testimony has 
never been controverted. Howard Philbrick testified be- 
fore the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee in April, 
1953. (See Senate Internal Security Subcommittee Re- 
port , Page 739, et seq.) In view of the important disclo- 
sures made by Mr. Philbrick, we quote from his testi- 
mony at some length : 

“Well, there are a great many layers and degrees 
of Communist Party membership, Senator. Of 
course, in their propaganda, the Communist Party 
talks about a classless society, society without classes. 
Actually inside the Communist Party I discovered 
perhaps the most complicated class degree of classes 
that I had ever experienced. First of all, of course, 
there are, in broad general terms, two classifications : 
The above-ground Communist Party membership, 
the Communist Party functionaries, the known Com- 
munists who actually are the fall guys for the Com- 
munist Party. Those are the people who are known 
publicly as Communists and whose names appear in 
the newspapers with the Communist label attached. 

Then the second section of the Communist Party 
is the underground section of the Party. Now, in the 
underground I discovered that there were three ad- 
ditional classifications. First of all, there was - the 
active Communist Party member, and perhaps later 
on after we come to my later experiences, we can 
describe precisely how these members function. 
First of all, the active underground Party member 
attended several meetings. He was assigned to a cell 
and attended meetings with other Communists know- 
ing them as Communists, cells numbering from five 
to ten or even twelve members prior to 1948. Then in 
the underground section of the Party, there is a sec- 
ond classification known in Communist terminology 
as a floater. A floater, I was told, was a Party mem- 
ber who did not belong and was not assigned to a 
specific cell. In fact, he would avoid attending a cell 
meeting in order that he would not be picked up and 
not be discovered by government or by counter-espi- 
onage agents. A floater would remain active, carrying 


on Communist Party instructions. He worked under 
Communist Party discipline. He would receive his 
instructions by courier, usually one or two people, 
and he would make his reports through these same 

Then a third type of underground Communist 
Party member is a sleeper. A sleeper, I was told, is 
a comrade who is put on ice completely. He is salted 
away. He is in contact with nobody with the Com- 
munist Party. He remains completely separated from 
all Party contacts until such time at some date when 
the Communist Party has some special action, some 
very special task, which it may need to have done 
with the greatest security, and that is when they will 
call upon the sleeper to carry on a particular task. 
By that time, of course, they hope that the govern- 
ment has no knowledge nor new information indicat- 
ing that this individual is in fact a hardened, dis- 
ciplined Communist Party member. 

All through the years, way back, starting with the 
youth activities, we were constantly instructed by 
Communist Party bosses to work upon the church 
groups, church and youth activities, church-youth 
organizations, and upon both minister and laymen in 
the church field. ...” 


“. . . no teacher or professor, a member of the Com- 
munist Party, can in any way pursue the normal, what 
we know to he the intellectual freedom or freedom 
of speech . . . because these people are completely 
under Communist Party discipline. They are not 
free as Communist Party members, to take individ- 
ual free action outside the discipline of the Com- 
munist Party. They cannot do it and remain mem- 
bers of the Communist Party. It is impossible for 
them to do it and remain members of the Communist 

Well, now, in 1944 Fanny Hartman repeated the 
same instructions to me when I received my Com- 
munist Party card, and said : ‘ If you are questioned 
or if you are charged to be a member of the Com- 
munist Party, you will swear on a stack of Bibles 



that high (indicating) that you are not and never 
have been a member of this organization.’ ” 

Another undercover FBI informant testified at a later 
period, in 1962, that he was imbued with the same Com- 
munist doctrine concerning disclosure of membership, and 
he testified as follows : 

“Mr. Scherer: Can you tell the committee just 
how the arrangements were made for Frank Wilkjn- 
son to take over the Executive Secretaryship of the 
Citizens Committee to Preserve American Free- 

Mr. Ronstadt: I don’t know all the details, but 
the only thing that I can relate is that in an associa- 
tion, you might say, with any of these groups, there 
has to be a central organizing figure that will take, 
you know, charge of the thing and, do a good job. 
Of course, he was not known, you see, as a Com- 
munist, and he had refused, of course, to testify 
before the California Senate Committee, but this, 
per se, as you probably know, does not make a per- 
son a Communist. I have heard this though, in later 
years, that he has denied that he was a member of 
the Communist Party. For instance, people that have 
circulated petitions in relation to him. I have spoken 
to people that have heard him speak when he has 
stated that he has not been a member of the Com- 
munist Party or never has been. 

Mr. Travenner: Which you know is untrue 1 ? 

Mr. Ronstadt: Which I know definitely to be un- 

Mr. Johansen: But those denials were not made 
at any time under oath, the denials of membership 
that you refer to ? 

Mr. Ronstadt: As far as I know, they were not 
made under oath. This was at places where he has 
spoken to various groups and things like this, where 
the question has been asked. Yet, I can truthfully 
say, I was present with him at these various Party 
meetings. Not only that, but I delivered instructions 
to him on — during the latter part — well, part of 1952 
and through 1953, and I was at that time receiving 
my own instructions from a fellow by the name of 



Dave Elbers.” (Ronstadt testimony, October 10, 
1962, HU AC Report, op. cit., page 1492.) 

The covert and overt system of membership still con- 
tinues. Prior to 1957, when the Northern and Southern 
Districts of California were formed, the Party almost, 
but not quite, followed the orders issued from National 
Headquarters. It was this spirit of independence that 
has characterized California Communists from the very 
beginning of their existence. 

After the Chicago convention of 1919, where the most 
radical elements of the Socialist Party broke away to 
form the Communist Party, the radical California So- 
cialists met in Oakland. This October meeting actually 
launched the Party in this state, and a month later the 
organization was well underway. 

There had been a background of Socialist radicalism 
for several years, split and weakened by World War I, 
but regaining vigor by the end of 1919. On November 
9 of that year, delegates assembled at Loring Hall, Oak- 
land, from San Francisco, Oakland, Dimond, Richmond, 
San Jose, Santa Cruz, Fresno, and Lodi. (See: Forma- 
tion of the California Communist Labor Party , by Ralph 
E. Shaffer, Associate Professor of History, California 
State Polytechnic College, Pomona, in Pacific Historical 
Review, February, 1967, page 59, et seq.) This convention 
founded the Communist Labor Party of California. For 
several years after 1919 no Comintern representatives 
came West to issue orders to the California Communists, 
and visits from national officers were exceedingly rare. 
New York and Chicago were in those days the focal 
points for the new movement and California was vir- 
tually ignored until the early 30 ’s. 

With the depression, the unemployed and farm work- 
ers received great attention in this state, and the ranks of 
the Party rapidly grew. Furthermore, there was the great 
influence and prestige of Max Bedacht, the barber from 
California. He had attended the founding convention 
in October, 1919; he was elected a member of the Na- 
tional Committee; and through loyalty to Stalin suc- 
ceeded Ben Gitlow as General Secretary of the CPUS A 
— the post now held by Gus Hall. ( Native Daughter, the 
Story of Anita Whitney, by A1 Richmond. Anita Whit- 
ney’s 75th Anniversary Committee, 170 Golden Gate 



Avenue, San Francisco, 1942 ; I Confess, by Ben Gitlow. 
E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1940, pages 326 and 327.) 

Bedacht made several trips to Moscow, participated 
in some important Comintern sessions, became friendly 
with Solomon Losovsky, head of the Red Trade Union 
International, and was eventually made head of its AmerL 
can section, the International Workers Order. (Gitlow, 
op. cit., page 456.) He eventually became involved in 
savage factional warfare, lost his power, and quietly 
dropped out of all Party activities. It was Max Bedacht, 
however, the obscure San Francisco barber, whose in- 
fluence and power in international and domestic party 
circles focused attention on the California organization, 
and it was Bedacht who was responsible for its added 
importance commencing in 1935 when William Schneider- 
man became the district organizer. 

The era of provincialism had passed, and as California 
grew in population and in strategic significance, the Com- 
munist organization here assumed enormous importance. 
As Berkeley has become a symbol for student rebellion, 
so has the California Party become a symbol for Com- 
munist revolution. 

The two most important figures in the California Com- 
munist Party have been Dorothy Healey and Albert J. 
Lima. Mrs. Healey was, until recently, chairman of the 
Southern District; Mr. Lima is chairman in the North. 
They have been mentioned frequently in the press and 
have appeared on California campuses as speakers. 

Dorothy Healey was born in Denver, Colorado. She 
joined the Young Communist League in the 30 ’s and when 
we first questioned her as a witness in December 1941, 
she was employed by the state as a Deputy Labor Commis- 
sioner. Most of her early activities were in the agricultural 
areas, notably in Imperial Yallev. She has been the wife 
of Louis Schneiderman, Donald Healey, and Phillip Con- 
nelly, each having been identified as a Communist func- 

Mrs. Healey is a good speaker. In her several appear- 
ances before us, she has refrained from the vituperative 
antics that are exhibited by witnesses with less control. 
She has steadfastly refused to discuss other Party mem- 
bers, but has usually testified freely about her own ac- 
tivities, and about the Communist movement generally. 



Unlike many highly-placed officers in the Party, Mrs. 
Healey is very well informed concerning Marxian ideol- 
ogy, and seldom declines an invitation to make public ap- 
pearances on the speakers platform or over TV and radio 
facilities. Now 55, she has spent more than 40 years in the 
Communist movement, advancing from agitprop work in 
the fields to membership on the National Committee and 
then to the top office in southern California. 

Albert J. Lima has a background of agitprop work in 
the field of industrial organization. His wife, Helen Cor- 
bin Lima, has been active in the same general area, having 
been employed at Herrick Hospital in Berkeley, and ac- 
tive in union matters. She has also participated in the usual' 
succession of Communist front activities, fund-raising 
drives for the Peoples World, and keeping house for her 
husband and three children at 6115 Dover Street, Oakland, 
where the Limas have resided for the past several years. 
Previously they had lived at Eureka, Richmond, San 
Francisco and Berkeley. Many prominent Communist of- 
ficers have visited the home on Dover Street, and Bet- 
tina Aptheker lived there for awhile, as the Limas have 
occasionally extended the use of their premises to board- 
ing guests. 

The San Joaquin Valley 

The San Joaquin Valley, although part of the Northern 
District, is not only important because of the role it has 
played in Communist history, but because it has been very 
much neglected by both Communist and non-Communist 
writers. This richly productive region was the scene of 
labor violence, riots and murders in connection with the 
cotton strike of 1933 when it was a “Grapes of Wrath” lo- 
cale; since Cesar Chavez opened his headquarters at De- 
lano, the cycle of labor unrest in the San Joaquin Valley 
has commenced anew. 

In the 30 ’s and early 40 ’s James McGowan was the 
Communist official who operated the Party organizations 
in Tulare and Kings Counties. His headquarters was at 
329 North L Street in the City of Tulare. He appeared 
before our committee on several occasions, and concen- 
trated his work in conformity with the existing social con- 
ditions and problems of the time, on the recruiting of 



migratory farm workers and the unemployed, at whieh he 
was extremely proficient. 

Lima spent relatively little time in the central Califor- 
nia area, most of his attention being concentrated in San. 
Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley, Marin and Contra Costa 
counties, and thence north to Sacramento. South of the 
Bay, he frequently visited San Jose and other cities in 
that vicinity. Northern California, being more sparsely 
populated, included many counties where a survey of an- 
nual fund drives for Party publications, front group ac- 
tivities, and registration in the Independent Progressive 
Party and the Peace and Freedom Party discloses a very 
thin Communist population. 

Mr. and Mrs. Howard Thompson served as undercover 
Communists, the husband for 14 years and his wife for 
12 years, attending meetings, working their way up into 
positions of official importance, and regularly reporting 
to the FBI. As is often the case, Howard Thompson was 
first an active worker for the Independent Progressive 
Party, and through this Communist-operated organiza- 
tion, he came immediately into contact with many Party 
members and sympathizers. He was eventually invited to 
discussion meetings in members’ homes, and was ques- 
tioned closely about his political beliefs. After an appro- 
priate period of probation and investigation, he was 
invited to become a Communist Party member, and as- 
signed to the San Joaquin County Club. Its members, 
averaging about a dozen, met in private homes and ob- 
served strict security precautions guarding against in- 
filtration by government agents. 

Thompson proved an eager member, and was soon made 
chairman and secretary of his club, then a delegate to 
both district and state conventions. After the Thompsons 
became members of the executive committee of the San 
Joaquin Valley Section, and because of their contacts at- 
conventions, their area of acquaintance and knowledge 
were greatly expanded. Indeed, the valley section meet- 
ings were held in the Thompson home, and he served as 
a section delegate to district meetings in San Francisco. 

From the reports the Thompsons faithfully made to the 
FBI from their testimony before the Subversive Activi- 
ties Control Board and their statements to the House 
Committee, as well as from documentary sources, it was 



learned that the sections in the Northern District were as 
follows : San Francisco County area ; East Bay area ; San 
Mateo, Santa Cruz, and Santa Clara Counties; Sonoma 
County; Marin County; Humboldt County, and the San 
Joaquin Valley. In addition there were the usual commis- 
sions that varied as exigencies demanded, but which 
basically were about the same as those in the Southern 
District under Dorothy Healey : trade unions, agriculture, 
youth, Negro, legislative, peace and sometimes security. 
More often, however, security matters were handled as 
special assignments given to members experienced in this 
field. The disciplinary or “control” commissions were 
once a permanent fixture in all Party organizations, but 
in recent years control commission members have also 
been specially selected when the occasion arose. 

Agricultural Organization 

Howard Thompson stated that in 1960 a report was 
made by the Agricultural Commission, San Joaquin Val- 
ley Section, to the Northern District of the Communist 
Party in California. It contained a proposal directed to 
the United States Department of Labor, to the effect that 
open hearings should be held with union participation for 
the purpose of fixing wages and working conditions for 
Mexican farm workers. “We wanted a statement,” said 
Mr. Thompson, “from the Communist Party of Mexico, 
that they did not want the braceros to come to this coun- 
try. They were against the braceros being shipped into 
this country. The Communist Party of this country came 
out with the policy, stating that they should be organized, 
not necessarily in the Communist Party, but in labor or- 
ganizations to give them protection of labor organizations. 
So at the time this was written we asked A1 Richmond 
to contact, if he could, the leadership of the Communist 
Party in Mexico to get a final statement from them as to 
what they believed on this bracero program, because we 
found the Communist Party in the United States was 
directly in reverse with the Communist Party in Mexico.” 
(Testimony to House Committee, July 12, 1964, April 27 
and 28, 1966, page 47.) 

This of course was not only a forerunner of the United 
Farm Workers Organizing Committee in the agricul- 
tural valley, headed by Cesar Chavez, but it also illus- 



trates the international contacts between the Communist 
Parties in the United States and Mexico. We shall deal 
with the Communist manipulations of racial minority 
groups later in this report in the sections dealing with the 
Mexican and Negro minorities in particular, but it is use- 
ful to understand that since the 30 ’s in California, the 
Communist Party has persistently been striving to or- 
ganize the unemployed, alienate the racial minority 
groups from the rest of the country, foment as much 
trouble as possible, and then to step back and manipulate 
the resulting disturbances from positions of remote con- 

It will be remembered, we hope, that our 1967 report 
contained 60 pages concerning the Delano grape strike 
and the origin and nature of the United Farm Workers 
Organizing Committee. We are also aware of the fact 
that certain Communist front organizations managed 
to secure advance copies of our report even before it 
was released to the press, and concluded that it was 
sufficiently innocuous so far as the Cesar Chavez opera- 
tion was concerned, that they refrained from organizing 
their usual attack against us, the report, and the con- 
tinuation of the subcommittee. Some of our information 
came from members of the Chavez staff working in the 
Delano office; other information came from official docu- 
ments of the organization, reports from law-enforcement 
agencies, and from an analysis of the wide-spread sup- 
port that came from a wide variety of organizations. 
Our investigation convinced us that the movement was 
not dominated by Communists, but we did find that they 
had, characteristically, infiltrated the organization and 
exercised considerable influence over its activities. This 
is the classic pattern of Communist activity, but it does 
not mean that every organization they infiltrate is under 
Party domination, any more than all campus demonstra- 
tions are the direct results of Communist plots. In case 
the concerned front organizations manage to get a pre- 
view of the present report, we anticipate that their at- 
tack against it and against us will be much less gentle, 
as we have undertaken to cover a far wider range of 
activities on a statewide basis, and to bring the sub- 
versive situation in our state up to date. 


In previous reports, we have discussed professional 
sections or clubs of the Communist Party. They are, as 
the name implies, composed of doctors, lawyers, univer- 
sity and college professors, and other professional peo- 
ple whose membership in the Party is preserved in the 
most rigid secrecy. This has always been true of Com- 
munist Party organizations throughout the country, and 
now it is especially true in California and New York. 
These are the people whose proficiency in Marxian dia- 
lectics and their positions of prestige and influence render 
them indispensable aids when the Party needs expert 
advice and leadership. In the present era of security 
anxiety that amounts to almost paranoia in the Party, 
the security restrictions and precautions have reached 
an all-time high. As we have pointed out, there have been 
no written membership cards or other written records 
of memberships since December, 1947 ; no membership 
records or records of dues are kept at Party headquarters 
or even in the homes of the chairmen of the Northern 
and Southern districts. On the contrary, they are scat- 
tered widely among a few trusted members, such as Mrs. 
Thompson, the FBI undercover informant, who was 
charged with keeping the membership records for the 
San Joaquin Valley section of the Northern District of 
the Communist Party of California, and therefore was 
very conversant with the membership. Her husband testi- 
fied that: . this area of operation in the Communist 

Party is very secret, even to the leadership of the Party, 
in that I consider myself, as a district committee mem- 
ber, among the leadership and we were not given this 
knowledge. It is kept very secret, and you just know 
that there are such people and that they turn to them 
for advice and knowledge when they need it, but they 
are people who are so advanced in Party policy and 
principles of Marxism-Leninism that they do not need 
direction from people of the club and district level.” 
(HUAC report, op. cit., page 66.) 

Mrs. Lulu Thompson concluded her testimony by : 
stating : 

“Many times I would attend meetings in San Fran- 
cisco, which would last all day and every speaker at these 
meetings would try to outdo the next speaker in tearing 
our country down and ripping the Government into 



shreds. They accused our leaders of every heinous crime 
imaginable, including germ warfare in Korea and North 
Vietnam. They would deny God. They ridiculed churches 
and religions. I felt unclean both mentally and spiritu- 
ally. It seemed when I got out in the brisk air of San 
Francisco, I wanted to clear my lungs and breathe deeply 
of the San Francisco air. I would raise my head for a 
breath of air and I would see our Flag fluttering atop 
one of the buildings, and this would reassure me, and 
I knew this Government would overcome the people that 
were trying to tear it apart.*’ (HUAO rep., op. cit., 
page 115.) 

It is extremely unfortunate that a consistent and 
vicious flow of subversive propaganda has cast these ex- 
tremely patriotic and courageous individuals who at great 
personal loss to themselves, both emotionally and finan- 
cially, agree to penetrate the very heart of subversive 
organizations in this country for the purpose of pro- 
tecting it, and reporting to those official agencies that 
are striving to protect us, in the role of the villains in- 
stead of the heroes. 

The same propaganda, of course, is calculated to under- 
mine public confidence in covert informants for the vari- 
ous official agencies, and to cast the agencies themselves 
in the role of red-baiters, witch-hunters, and to hold them 
up as objects of ridicule and derision. We have recently 
noted that the same technique is being employed now 
against our courts of justice throughout the land, the 
brazen defiance and arrogance having risen to a new 
degree of boldness, and the way having been paved by 
torrents of propaganda that pour into the United States 
from abroad in an endeavor to subvert a Government 
that so far has taken no steps to stem the flood. 

Factionalism in the California Party 

It is inevitable, when foreign Communist parties are 
compelled to support the policies of the USSR, that they 
at times appear both inconsistent and inexplicable. When 
the world Communist movement condemned fascism as 
evil to be shunned by all faithful Party members the 
world over, and a pact was later made pledging non- 
aggression with Hitler, in August 1939, it stunned Ameri- 
can Party members and their comrades everywhere. But 



they steadfastly rallied to support the party line. When 
during World War II American Communists were in- 
structed to keep our country out of the conflict and 
preach peace at any price, they obeyed as usual. That was 
because the war in its early stages was an evil imperialist 
war, according to the Communist definition. Then because 
the Soviet Union was, as we have said, invaded on June 
22 1941, the war became a peoples war and American 
Communists were ordered to support it, which they did 
by simply reversing their position overnight. Then came 
the jolt when Stalin, whom they had literally worshipped 
for almost thirty years as the infallible leader of the 
world movement, was exposed by his successor as a 
monster who had betrayed the Communist cause. Then 
came the armed invasions of Poland and Hungary by 
Soviet troops in 1956, and the crushing of Communist 
regimes in those countries simply because they wished to 
pursue their own paths towards the Communist utopia. 
Many Party members became disillusioned when Stalin 
was revealed in all his brutality as the sort of man the 
capitalists had been describing. For almost thirty years 
the Party faithful had been taught to disbelieve the capi- 
talist press and to rely only on publications that printed 
the truth: The Party press. Now t this was all shattered. 
The effects were deep and powerful, and many Commu- 
nists resigned openly, criticizing the Party as they did so. 
Most of them, however, quietly dropped out of Party 
activities and tried to forget the bitter mistake they had 
made. There was much criticism of the hierarchy in the 
United States, that self-perpetuating clique that remains 
at the head of the Party nationally through thick and 
thin: members of the National Committee and trusted 
party-liners like Gus Hall, Herbert Aptheker, Jack 
Stachel, Philip Foner, Louis Diskin, and their obedient 
supporters in California, such as Irving Sarnoff, Rose 
Chernin, A1 Richmond, William Taylor, Roscoe Proctor, 
Ben Dobbs, Nenimy Sparks, Emil Freed, Lou Goldblatt, 
Rude Lambert, Elsie Mon jar, Delfino Varella, Archie 
Brown and a host of others too numerous to include here. 
We have mentioned those whose names will be familiar 
to readers of previous reports. We should, of course, 
include Albert J. Lima, but we omitted the name of 
Dorothy Healey, because she has been a center of Party 



dissension that has spread throughout the entire move- 
ment in California, and which is exerting such a pro- 
found and important effect on the membership that it 
must be treated here at considerable length. 

Many of the California Communists, Mrs. Healey 
prominent among them, have not hesitated since 1956 to 
criticize the actions of the Soviet Union in invading- 
Poland and Hungary. When Russian troops and military 
hardware invaded Czechoslovakia on August 20 1968, it 
was the last blow to many Communists, both in this 
country and abroad. In examining the liberal and demo- 
cratic regime that was being created within the frame- 
work of the Czech Communist government, the Kremlin 
considered it was departing from the path of Soviet 
rectitude, and the Soviet armed forces crushed not only 
the last resistance of the Czech people, but at the same 
time crushed the loyalty of many thoughtful Party 
leaders, to say nothing of many more rank and file 

As we have stated, democratic centralism is a high- 
sounding theory, but one that exists only as a theory in 
the Communist Party. Actually, as all Communists know 
very well, the decisions are made at the top of the organi- 
zational pyramid and thence transmitted down to the 
broad-base membership. Those decisions and directives 
must be carried out without question, or charges of fac- 
tionalism and deviation are levelled, a trial committee 
picked, and discipline handed out in an exceedingly un- 
democratic manner. Many of the more courageous Party 
officials resented being told to follow the Communist line, 
no matter how outrageous it was, and many said so to 
their comrades. The blind obedience to the world party 
line as promulgated in Moscow and handed down on high 
to the American membership, was being questioned. 

Militant North— Critical South 

The two major propaganda outlets that supply Commu- 
nist literature to the Pacific coast are the International 
Bookstore in San Francisco and the Progressive Book- 
store in Los Angeles. The former is at 1408 Market 
street, the latter at 1506 West Seventh street. It is es- 
sential to an understanding of the relatively dogmatic 
and militant adherence to the party line by Mr. Lima’s 



northern district of the Party, and Mrs. Healey’s more 
moderate district, if we examine the tenor of the propa- 
ganda disseminated from these sources. 

We have conducted such examinations from time to 
time, and what we wrote in our 1959 report about them 
is even more applicable today. Our surveys were made 
in 1957, one year after the Soviet invasions of Poland 
and Hungary, and the California party was still suffer- 
ing from the shock. In the Healey district there was much 
criticism of the USSR; in the Lima district there was 
an effort to justify the invasions and a perceptible stiff- 
ening of the militant line. These attitudes were reflected 
in the nature of the propaganda being handled by the 
two propaganda outlets. 

In our 1959 report, pages 146-147, we said: 

“The person who is usually in charge of the Pro- 
gressive Book Store in Los Angeles is Frank Spector, 
a Russian Communist who has been defying efforts 
to deport him for a good many years, and who has 
appeared before this committee as a witness. Until 
the ‘secret’ Khrushchev speech in February 1956, 
the contents of this bookstore were uniformly and 
militantly Communist. Thereafter a few books be- 
gan to appear on the shelves that in the old days 
would have been considered completely heretical. For 
example, before the publication of Dr. Zhivago by 
Boris Pasternak, there was a book called Not By 
Bread Alone. Dudintsev, the author, held a promi- 
nent place in the literary fraternity of the Soviet 
Union. During the Stalin regime and until the 
Khrushchev speech heretofore mentioned, the clamps 
of rigid censorship had been tightened, to such an 
extent that no Soviet writer dared to produce any- 
thing that was not in strict conformity with the 
Communist line, and certainly he would never dare 
publish a single word that was even inferentially 
critical. But in the Khrushchev speech there was a 
promise that these old rules should be relaxed, that 
criticism should be invited, that Bolshevik self- 
criticism was an excellent thing, and that writers 
should be free to publish their true feelings. This 
book Not By Bread Alone , was certainly critical of 
the Soviet regime and it rocked the intellectual foun- 



dations of the country. Yet it was being sold in the 
Progressive Book Store in Los Angeles by Frank 
Spector. In addition, even after he had been impris- 
oned in Yugoslavia for such rash heresy, Milovan 
Djilas’ book, The New Class, was also sold in the 
Progressive Book Store, as were copies of the Pas- 
ternak book, Dr. Zhivago. No such attitude was taken 
in the San Francisco outlet, the books in the Inter- 
national Book Store clinging steadfastly to the Com- 
munist cause, and carrying no item that was critical 
of the Soviet regime or the Party line. We almost 
neglected to say that in addition to the three books 
already mentioned that were sold in Los Angeles, 
there was another, even more indicative, called The 
Naked God, by Howard Fast. This book, which is a 
garbled but nevertheless angry and vehement criti- 
cism of the Communist Party of the United States 
published shortly after Fast left the organization, 
was roundly lambasted in Political Affairs by a re- 
viewer under the title ‘The Nakedness of Howard 
Fast.’ Yet this book was sold with the three com- 
panion volumes heretofore mentioned under the direc- 
tion of Frank Spector in the Progressive Book Store 
in Los Angeles. 

Why this sudden deviation from the old and rigid 
Party line? Obviously, the cause is attributable to 
the fact that the Progressive Book Store wants to 
divert suspicion from itself or because it has made 
a sincere and pronounced deviation from the path of 
Communist rectitude. We believe it has done the lat- 
ter, that it has received great criticism because of 
this deviation, and we will set forth our reasons in 
detail in that section of the report, which is entitled, 
‘Current Communist Techniques.’ ” 

On pages 181-182 of our 1959 report, we wrote as fol- 

“Participating in strikes, lending her considerable 
organizational talents to the creation and operation 
of front organizations, directing the preparation and 
distribution of propaganda, Dorothy Healey rapidly 
rose in the ranks of the Communist Party until 
finally she emerged as a member of its National 
Committee and head of the organization for all of 



Southern California. But Dorothy Healey was also 
caught up in the developments of 1956. We should 
say at this juncture that many of the Party mem- 
bers who either defected in 1956 or shortly there- 
after, or who veered sharply to the Right and at- 
tacked their superiors who still clung to the old 
dogmatic Communist ideas, had gradually been go- 
ing through a process of disillusionment for a great 
many years. In many cases this occurred uncon- 
sciously, but people with any semblance of judgment 
can hardly justify a long period of complete con- 
tradictions in the Communist Party line, and find 
their ideals and beliefs blasted overnight without 
realizing that no one single thing has actually caused 
them to leave the movement. So when the events of 
1956 occurred, for many individuals it was simply 
the final nudge necessary to complete disillusionment 
and a break with the Party. Some individuals, of 
course, left the movement completely. Some re- 
mained true to Marxism, but left the Party or- 
ganization for one reason or the other. Others re- 
mained in the Party and fought to put over their 
own relatively conservative ideas against the stub- 
born Party leadership represented by William Z. 
Poster. (Foster preceded Gus Hall as General Sec- 
retary of the CPUS A.) Dorothy Healey belonged 
to the latter group. Her battle with Foster was vi- 
cious and heated. It boiled over into the pages of 
Political Affairs and threw the Southern California 
Party organization into a turmoil. This is the reason 
for the presence of the anti-Communist books in the 
Progressive Book Store on West Seventh Street, 
and it also underscores the contrast between this 
propaganda outlet and the store in San Francisco 
where no such literature is to be found. In both 
stores, Communist books and other materials are on 
sale, but in Los Angeles, the Party member can buy 
literature on both sides of the question. At 1408 
Market Street, San Francisco, no such choice is 

We have it on very good authority, which we are 
unable to disclose for public scrutiny, that Dorothy 
Healey is in very bad graces with the Communist 



high command, and that she will either be brought 
back into the path of strict obedience and rectitude 
or be. compelled to leave the Party. In the mean- 
time, efforts have been made to restore discipline 
among the rank and file membership in Los Angeles, 
and this effort has met with considerable success.” 

The invasion of Czechoslovakia by Soviet armed forces 
occurred on August 20, 1968. Three months earlier Doro- 
thy Healey, having recently returned from that country, 
made some extremely important statements in an official 
Communist document known as the Discussion Bulletin, 
Communist Party, Southern District of California, No. 1, 
May, 1968, which were sufficiently provocative to raise 
great interest not only among the Communist member- 
ship in California, but also throughout the country. 

Mrs. Healey had, as we have seen, been critical of the 
autocratic rule of the Communist hierarchy for a num- 
ber of years, and subsequent events exerted such a reac- 
tion in the Communist structure of California, that we 
quote at length from her remarks in May 1958. 

“. . . generally we are correct,” said Mrs. Healey, 
“when we point to the enormous problems in the build- 
ing of a new society — but all too often the answer is 
given whenever one discusses any weaknesses in the 
socialist world, ‘Oh well, but look at the greater evil 
of capitalism’. Of course that’s absolutely true, and we 
wouldn’t be Communists if we didn’t believe it was true, 
but the fact is that the evils of capitalism cannot in my 
opinion be used to justify the defects of socialism. If 
they are, then what are we fighting for? If all we are 
going to have is the continuation of the evils reproduced 
in a different way, with a different method of ownership* 
then there’s not the qualitative transformation that we 
insist must take place.” (In Communist discussions, the 
words “Socialism” and “Communism” are used inter-, 

In discussing her impressions during her visit to Czech- 
oslovakia, Mrs. Healey said : 

‘ ‘ I was particularly interested in the events in Czech- 
oslovakia because while I was there, by a set of very 
fortunate and unusual circumstances, I was able to 
spend almost all of my time with the men and women 


who are in a great sense responsible for the fact that 
the Communist Party is itself giving the leadership 
today in making an enormous stride forward around 
the questions of socialist democracy and what social- 
ist democracy should mean. I met with an organized 
group set up in the Academy of Scientists of the 
Czechoslovakian Party, of historians, economists, so- 
ciologists, philosophers, constitutional lawyers and 
others meeting as an interdisciplinary team of all the 
academic disciplines to debate one question : Power in 
a socialist country. What do you do about it ? How do 
you guarantee that there are any methods of checks 
and balances'? How do you provide (and I am really 
quoting what they said, none of this is my own lan- 
guage), when you have a one-party state, that the 
trends within the party are legal? Because obviously 
there is never a time when all people are going to think 
alike in a Communist Party. How do you provide the 
different opinions are legalized and allowed to chal- 
lenge one another, to debate and confront each other ? 
And this is a very serious question, because anyone 
who has travelled in the socialist world knows that 
this is a problem that confronts every socialist country 
without exception. 

They asked: How do you guarantee that the polit- 
buro of a party is not the sole, main, almost exclusive 
repository of all decisions? How do you guarantee 
that there is a flow back and forth of decision-making 
power? Who makes decisions and where are the de- 
cisions made? The questions they ask and what they 
were debating are precisely the questions that came to 
the fore in the last few weeks in Czechoslovakia, and 
as contrasted, I believe, with Poland and the Soviet 
Union, in Czechoslovakia the party leadership is giv- 
ing the most important direction in guaranteeing that 
these kinds of questions be answered in a different 
way than ever before. 

Part of the problem, the rationale, the justification 
of the actions that have taken place in the socialist 
world were able to happen, is that part of it that stems, 
in my opinion, from the fact that a certain mystifica- 
tion and institutionalizing of Marxism has taken 
place. First there developed a theory that there was 



only one scientific truth and since theory and practice 
must be in unity, there can therefore he only one sci- 
entifically correct policy. And the authority for es- 
' tablishing this one correct truth is the central commit- 
tee, or to be more accurate, the politburo. Therefore 
the policy of the politburo at every stage is the sci- 
entifically correct application of scientific socialism. 

Everybody knows that’s what happens all over the 
world, including in our own party, but it seems to 
me that this is a doctrine like Papal Infallibility, 
transplanted, to a Marxist framework with science in 
the role of gud. I think we have to fight for a return 
to what I think is proper Marxism, which is the rec- 
ognition of the relativity of truth, that always it’s an 
approximation, that no truth in (sic) complete and 
final, that the process of unveiling truth is dynamic 
and not static and that therefore there will be dis- 
agreements. And disagreements do not mean heresy, 
necessarily, but disagreements become a way of un- 
folding truth.” 

Mrs. Healey then proceeded to discuss the unyielding 
dogmatism of Communist ideology, and cited as her ex- 
ample the attitude of the small group of Communist 
leaders in the Soviet Union who exercise absolute power, 
and who, although not trained in biology, nevertheless 
made a decree that one of their prominent scientists Tro- 
fim Denisovich Lysenko, favorite of Stalin, member of 
the Supreme Soviet, and showered with honors, rejected 
theories of heredity accepted by most geneticists, but be- 
ing in line with Marxian ideology, won the support of the 
Party. The teaching of biology in Russia was therefore 
adjusted to his theories and since Stalin gave his personal 
support to Lysenko, any scientist who opposed his doc- 
trine became subject to reprisals. ( Encyclopedia of Russia 
and the Soviet Union, Michael T. Florinsky, Ed. McGraw- 
Hill Book Co., Inc., 1961, page 326.) 

Dorothy Healey’s comment on this subject in the Dis- 
cussion Bulletin was as follows : 

“Secondly, in regard to the institutionalizing of 
Marxism, we have the idea that the Communist Party 
at any one stage can be the final word on all aspects- 
of human life — the economic, the political, the philo- 



sophical, the esthetic, no matter what it is — that the 
Communist Party is and must be the determining- 
judge of all these questions. I don’t think anybody 
has ever really reckoned with, for instance, what the 
tragedy Lysenko represented to the Soviet Union in 
terms of its development scientifically. Here was the 
well-known example, and there are others that are 
not as well known, of where the Communist Party’s 
leadership decided this was the correct approach to- 
wards biology, and only this was the correct approach 
towards biology — and everything else in the biological 
schools of the Soviet Union had to be dismissed, 
rejected or subordinated almost totally to Lysenko’s 
theory. At the minimum, they estimate and print 
in their own estimates now, almost 20 years of sci- 
entific advance was lost in the field of biology in the 
Soviet Union because of this.” 

Mrs. Healey said a great deal more, indeed five legal 
size pages more, but we have given enough of her critical 
remarks to lay the foundation for what was to come later. 
The Discussion Bulletin also contains comment from nine 
other prominent members of the Southern District of 
the Communist Party of California, and the document 
is a vital one because it served as a catalyst to bring to 
a crisis the long-smouldering elements of criticism and 
dissatisfaction with what the critics considered dogmatic 
and unyielding autocratic control by a handful of Party 
leaders in the United States, the “Papal Infallibility” 
of the world Communist movement, and, most important, 
the complete hypocrisy of the Soviet foreign policy in 
announcing, as Khrushchev did in 1956, that each Com- 
munist country should be permitted to pursue its own 
independent way toward the ultimate utopia, and then 
using armed force to invade any Communist country that 
failed to conform to the Kremlin’s idea of what that 
path should be. 

On Saturday, August 31, 1968, the leadership of the 
CPUS A called a special meeting at the Hotel Diplomat 
in New York City to strive and heal the deep rift that 
was splitting the membership more seriously than at any 
time since the Soviet troops invaded Poland and Hungary 
in 1956. A motion was made to authorize censorship of 
those members who deviated from the official line by con- 



demning the thrust into Czechoslovakia, but votes for and 
against this move were almost equally divided, finally 
carrying by a scant majority. The decision having been 
m&de on September 2, the Party leaders from all parts 
of the nation remained divided. Mike Stein, Executive 
Secretary of the New York Party, termed the decision 
“vindictive,” and declared that Gus Hall had refused to 
summon the National Committee to make the critical 
decision, pointing out that eleven days had elapsed since 
the invasion. Gilbert Green, veteran functionary from 
New York, criticized the armed interference with the 
internal affairs of the Czech Communist regime as a 
very serious blunder. These sentiments were echoed and 
re-echoed across the country — but, as has been the case in 
all of these critical situations, the CPUS A Politburo 
prevailed, and the condemnations of the “deviationists” 
were forthcoming. Dispatch from New York, Los Angeles 
Times, September 3, 1968.) 

The influence and arguments of Dorothy Healey and 
her followers in California this time extended over a 
much wider area than the Southern District. Perhaps 
because this was the third such armed intrusion by Soviet 
forces across the borders of other Communist countries, 
and because of the assurances that Khrushchev had made 
that such acts would not occur, the dissent was more 
stubborn and involved more people. 

The Peoples World in San Francisco carried a series 
of articles in complete defiance of the world party line, 
written by A1 Richmond, from Prague. He described the 
unity of the Czech people despite the occupation of their 
country by Soviet troops, and declared with approval 
that the workers rallied to the support of liberal leader, 
Alexander Dubcek, first secretary of the Czech Com- 
munist Party — a position comparable to that held by Gus 
Hall in this country. 

After returning to the United States, Richmond, long 
identified with the staff of the Peoples World, stated that 
on stone walls and buildings people had written their 
sentiments of resistance, and added that it would be more 
difficult to eradicate these sentences from the peoples 
hearts and minds than from the surfaces on which they 
had been written. He quoted one worker as telling him 
that “for six months we had more democracy than any 


other country on earth.” His observations on the spot, 
wrote Richmond, had convinced him that 98% of the 
people supported the Dubcek regime, and that the rank- 
ing leaders of the Party, Dubcek included, had actually 
been “abducted” by Soviets. ( Los Angeles Times, Octo- 
ber 14, 1968.) 

Gus Hail Arrives in California 

On April 5, 1969, Gus Hall spoke at the Southern Dis- 
trict convention of the California Communist Party in 
Larchmont Hall, 118 North Larchmont Boulevard, Los 
Angeles. He announced that he had been studying some 
of the reports made by Dorothy Healey on the preceding 
day, as well as the discussion bulletins for the past sev- 
eral years, and said: “I would be less than honest if I 
did not say that I have had some difficulty in reacting 
to them.” 

Early in his speech, which ran for 14^ typed pages, 
Hall confirmed our 1959 report concerning the difference 
between the Northern and Southern Districts of the Cali- 
fornia Party. He said : 

“. . . when I was on the trip, the Secretariat met 
on the California elections, mainly, because there was 
a disagreement between the North and South, and 
what was the disagreement? The same as it has al- 
ways been. The Northern District pressing for a 
more militant, Left policy, and the Southern District 
pressing for a more conservative Right policy.” 

Hall lashed out at Dorothy Healey repeatedly, sarcas- 
tically castigating her and her following. He charged that 
they alleged the World Communist movement and the 
CPUS A had never accomplished anything constructive, 
“right or relevant.” He said their approach was always 
negative, never positive, and he urged the members of 
the Southern District to elect officers who would act to 
suppress the dissidents. 

Political Liquidation of Dorothy Healey 

Gus Hall returned to the United States from a meeting 
in Moscow, and shortly thereafter on October 18, 1969, 
the press quoted Mrs. Healey as stating that she had in- 
deed lost her office as chairman of the Southern District, 



because of her opposition to the Soviet occupation of 
Czechoslovakia. Then she went to the office of the State 
Department of Employment at Inglewood, and applied 
for unemployment compensation. She was awarded $35.00 
a week for six months. She remains a member of the 
Party, and retains a nominal position on the District 
Committee. But she also steadfastly holds to her beliefs, 
that the invasions of Poland, Hungary and Czechoslo- 
vakia by the Soviet armed forces were grave mistakes, 
and that the Party should permit free discussion and 
disagreement by all Communists instead of blind obedi- 
ence to directives issued by entrenched Party bureau- 
crats. We have not yet come across any resentment in 
the Party because Mrs. Healey’s successor was imported 
from outside the State instead of being selected from the 
California membership. 

Prank Spector, the Russian Communist deportee who 
ran the Progressive Bookstore on West Seventh Street 
in Los Angeles for so many years, and had held a variety 
of highly important positions in the movement, soon dis- 
appeared from his usual position at the store and soon 
thereafter resigned from the Party. There were, of 
course, others. But Dorothy Healey and Frank Spector 
were the most important Communists in California who 
suffered because of their disagreement with the official 

At the time of her ouster, Mrs. Healey was making 
$65.00 a week from the Party for work as chairman of 
the Southern District that demanded virtually all of her 
time and energies. If the opponents of Communism 
would be willing to accept such small compensation and 
work as hard to preserve the country, as the Communists 
are to subvert it, most of the threat from internal sub- 
version would rapidly decline. 

Another well-known Communist figure was toppled 
from his position when the Communist Party of France 
removed Roger Garaudy from its Central Committee for 
“revisionism”. Garaudy had long been respected among 
Communists throughout the world as one of their most 
noted theoreticians. Soon after the invasion he charac- 
terized it as “a crime against hope, a crime against so- 
cialism, a crime against the future.” (Preface to La 
Liberte en Sursis — Prague, 1908, October, 1968, page 4; 



The New Crises in European Communism, by Kevin Dev- 
lin, Problems of Communism, Nov.-Dee., 1968, page 57, 
n. 1.) 

Garaudy had been chosen as the most capable of all 
European Communists to lead the dialogue between 
Marxists and religious leaders in various non-Communist 
countries. He came out rather badly in exchanges with 
Jesuit theologians at St. Louis, but was hailed by the 
Party press almost until the time of his ouster. ( Com- 
munism and Christianity, by Hyman Lumer, Political 
Affairs, Aug., 1968, page 16.) This famed spokesman for 
the Communist ideology had been the recipient of similar 
praises in other official Party publications in many coun- 
tries. But at the 19th Congress of the French Communist 
Party, 960 delegates listened quietly when Garaudy ad- 
dressed them and said “Our cause is just, our objectives 
will be achieved — all the more quickly when our methods 
have been profoundly changed.” So, after 36 years in 
the Party, he left the rostrum, ousted from the Central 
Committee on which he had served for 24 years. He 
had described the invasion of Czechoslovakia by saying 
“Brezhnev surpassed Stalin.” ( Time Magazine, Feb. 23, 

We have devoted this extensive attention to upheavals 
resulting from the invasion of Czechoslovakia not only 
because of the profound upheaval produced throughout 
the Communist World, and the very pertinent effect it 
exercised on the Party in California, but more particu- 
larly because it once again demonstrates the toughness, 
the resilience, and the iron discipline of the entire World 
Communist movement. After each major crisis, the dis- 
sidents were demoted, ousted, isolated. Then the remain- 
ing loyal and subservient members regrouped and went 
on with their business of revolution. While attacking 
other countries for imperialist actions, these Commu- 
nists will sanction the most flagrant imperialism on the 
part of the USSR, even to the armed invasion of other 
countries, without raising the slightest protest. 

We can only hope that the true nature of the Com- 
munist apparatus will be better gauged by this example 
of the Parties throughout the world, notably in Cali- 
fornia, closing all possibility of criticism of the Soviet 
Union or of the Party line, and the swift, inexorable 



purging of any members presumptuous enough to venture 
a view in opposition. 

In these reports we have frequently described the back- 
ground, the changes in the Party line, the techniques 
used successfully by the Party to accomplish its objec- 
tives, such as the “diamond pattern,’ - ’ which is used to 
enable a small group of Communists to dominate a large 
non-Communist organization and their amazingly suc- 
cessful use of the united and popular front techniques. 
While we realize these matters are neither sensational nor 
colorful, we also realize that the Communist Party in 
California today cannot possibly be understood unless 
one first understands the sort of background and tech- 
niques that are in use. It is, in short, impossible to under- 
stand where we now are and where we are heading, 
unless we also know where we have been. 

Attack on Labor 

At least three years ago, the phrase “monopoly capi- 
talism” began appearing in the Party press, and ever 
since this propaganda phrase has been repeated over and 
over again to prepare the rank and file membership for 
a drive to infiltrate labor organizations. The reason for 
this is very understandable. What is puzzling is why 
the all-out drive was not made sooner. The essence of 
Marxism is the clash between those who produce and 
those who own , the means of production, or as Com- 
munists say, the class struggle between the proletariat 
and the bourgeoisie. This exerts an immediate appeal to 
the have-nots, who look with envy on those who, for one 
reason or another, have achieved material success. The 
wide range of differences in natural capacities seems to 
play no part in this dichotomy. 

The Russian Revolution arose from organizing the 
exploited workers — but in the so-called satellite countries, 
the class conflict was vastly subordinated to infiltration, 
propaganda, subversion on all fronts, and, most decisive 
of all, rude shoves instead of gentle nudges by Soviet mili- 
tary force. Economic strikes have been useful to Commu- 
nists in all countries. When infiltration and control of 
strategically important labor organizations attains such 
proportions that it controls huge unions of teachers and 
professors, who condition students as revolutionaries; 



unions dealing with the production and processing of 
foods, with communications, newspapers, radio, TV, 
transportation, and law enforcement agencies — then an 
entire nation can be paralyzed. This has been the classic 
technique of Communist infiltration, control and sub- 
version of regimes the world over. Some observers be- 
lieve that this new move to infiltrate American labor is 
doomed to failure almost before it gets launched, con- 
tending that there are no longer any large numbers of 
oppressed workers in the United States, but on the other 
hand the average trade union member is well protected, 
well organized, well paid, and well adjusted. Our respon- 
sibility is to present the facts, and it is a fact that a mas- 
sive, determined drive to infiltrate our strategic labor 
unions is already underway. 

It has happened before. The CPUS A has moved into 
control of such unions, and it has launched general strikes 
so savage and bloody that they paralyzed huge segments 
of our society. We are prone to forget that the State Re- 
lief Administration was honeycombed with Communists 
in the late 30 ’s and early 40 ’s; that the general counsel 
for the entire CIO organization in the United States was 
a Communist; that the national governing body of the 
CIO was dominated by Communists; that the CIO in 
California was run by Communists — among them Dorothy 
Healey Connelly’s husband, Phillip; that the general 
strike in San Francisco in 1934 was started and run by 
Communists; that the United Mine, Mill and Smelter 
Workers, International Longshoremens’ and Warehouse- 
mens’ Union; United Electrical Workers, Marine Cooks 
and Stewards, American Communications Association, 
United Office and Professional Workers, United Federal 
Workers and other labor organizations mentioned in 
previous reports, were all under solid Communist control. 
During this same early drive, the Los Angeles Federation 
of Teachers was investigated by its parent organization 
and ousted from the AF of L because it was found to be 
under Communist domination. 

All of this deep penetration was abetted by propa- 
ganda, not only from the Party press, but from covert 
Communists who had secured positions on large news- 
papers, placed there largely through the efforts of Phillip 



M. Connelly, a proven member of the Communist faction 
of the American Newspaper Guild. 

When the situation grew alarming, both the CIO and 
the' AF of L undertook to rid their unions of subversive 
elements. In those cases where the task proved too for- 
midable, the unions were expelled, but they are still 
growing in power and they are more firmly under Party 
control than ever. A study of this penetration of labor 
organizations in the 30 ’s and 40 ’s enables us to under- 
stand how, by the use of the so-called ‘ ‘ diamond pattern ’ ’ 
a handful of carefully trained and highly disciplined 
Communists, well versed in disruptive tactics and par- 
liamentary procedure, can easily control a large, non- 
Communist organization. The tactics used in the earlier 
effort, tried and tested by practical application, are now 
being used again. It is too obvious to require extended 
comment that if a subversive force manages to secure 
control of large trade union organizations, it cannot only 
paralyze our society by a succession of strikes, but it can 
also affect our economy by constant demands for higher 
wages, thereby forcing up prices in a ceaseless ascent. 

The preparations for this new attack on American 
labor organizations has been going on for several years. 
It has been an extraordinary campaign, so insistent in 
carrying such a theme of urgency that it was clearly in- 
tended to permeate the Party in great depth. As might 
be expected, the most authoritative announcements of the 
new program appeared in the most authoritative official 
publication of the Communist Party, Party Affairs, and 
was repeated in the Daily Worker, Peoples World, in 
pre-convention discussion papers, and in endless booklets 
and pamphlets distributed by Party bookstores and thence 
to the local clubs. ( Party Affairs, Spring-Summer Quar- 
ter, 1967; May, 1968; October-November, 1968.) 

The revised second draft of the new program, CPUS A, 
was issued in January, 1969, and stated: 

“The Centrality of the class struggle in present- 
day capitalist society remains unaltered by the 
growth of monopoly and state monopoly capitalism. 
To be sure, monopoly capital represses other classes 
and social strata, but the base of its profits, the most 
indispensable source of its wealth and power, is the. 



exploitation of the workers in the productive process. 
In this fundamental exploitative relationship lies the 
special position which the working class occupies in 
the anti-monopoly struggle. 

It is the working class which offers the basic chal- 
lenge to capitalist exploitation. It is therefore the 
cardinal force of social progress. But it is also in- 
evitable that all the forces of social progress are 
increasingly compelled to question the right of the 
capitalists to exploit human energies and natural 
riches for private profit. And since the primary vic- 
tim of this exploitation is the working class, all 
struggles, as they move closer to directly questioning 
the right of exploitation, tend to gravitate increas- 
ingly around the working class.” ( New Program of 
the Communist Party, USA; second draft, revised, 
January, 1969, III-6.) 

This document also alluded to the skepticism on the 
part of many liberals and some Party members concern- 
ing the advisability of the new campaign, a matter to 
which we have already alluded. This attitude was handled 
as follows: 

“What is surprising is that today professed radi- 
cals echo the line that in America the class struggle 
has either vanished or lost its relevance. Objectively 
such a line reinforces the position of the ‘class part- 
nership’ advocates within the labor officialdom. For 
if there is no class struggle, there can only be ‘class 
partnership’ and ‘class peace’. 

We Communists emphatically reject this line and 
its logic of surrender. In a society governed by the 
exploitation and oppression imposed by monopoly 
capital, ‘ class partnership ’ can only mean the sub- 
ordination of the workers’ interests to those of mo- 
nopoly. It places a premium on non-militancy and 
accommodation with the employers, or taking the 
path of least resistance. It seeks to turn workers into 
wooden soldiers, marching behind the battle banners 
of U.S. imperialism, even into such criminal ventures 
as the war in Vietnam.” ( New Program, op cit., 



Albert Lima contributed bis support to the new under- 
taking in an article which appeared in Political Affairs , 
as follows: 

“The effort to involve the trade unions in issues 
which go beyond the narrow economic and political 
needs, is always a task the Communist Party must 
fulfill in all periods and under all conditions. That is 
the special role of the Communist Party . . . this is 
elementary for every Communist Party struggling to 
overthrow the capitalist system.” ( Further on Labor 
Opportunism, by Albert J. Lima. Political Affairs, 
May 1969, page 44 et seq.) 

The main direction must be against the monopolies 
and the state monopoly system in our country. Rac- 
ism and an imperialist war economy are two of the 
main props of the monopolies. The main pressures 
must be directed against them. 

The struggle will also have to be directed against 
the top leaders of the organized labor movement, and 
to organize and to win the base which they have 
among sections of the working class. Otherwise a 
change in policy will be left to spontaneity. ’ ’ 

Daniel Rubin, one of the leading national officers of the 
CPUS A, put the matter in its proper perspective after 
the 19th convention of 1969, when he stated in Political 

“The convention that succeeded in restoring fully, 
in practice, the orientation of the entire Party to- 
ward the working class, black and white, and par- 
ticularly toward its basic industrial core.” {The 19th 
Convention: a Turning Point by Daniel Rubin. Po- 
litical Affairs, July 1969, page 3, et seq.) 

“The main theme of the convention, Industrial 
Concentration, was reflected in a number of ways. 
On several occasions the convention was brought to 
its feet by speeches of delegates who are shop work- 
ers as they dealt with their experiences, with the 
meaning of the Party for them and with the indus- 
trial concentration policy.” {Political Affairs, op. cit., 
page 5.) 


The same issue of this monthly publication of the na- 
tional committee of the Communist Party carried another 
article on the same subject by George Meyers, in which 
he described a meeting of the Alliance For Labor Action 
held in Washington, D.C. May 27-28, 1969, wrote Mr. 
Meyers : 

“It can mark the beginning of a rapid growth of 
the ranks of organized labor and a major shift in 
the role the trade union movement plays in the po- 
litical life of the country. 

The ALA has come on the scene as the ruling class 
decided to mount a wave of repression against demo- 
cratic organizations. The freedom movement is a 
special target with frame-ups, police brutality and 
murder. Peace activists and student demonstrators 
are on the receiving end of brutal treatment. Efforts 
to smash the hospital strike in Charleston are a 
sample of what can happen to the struggles of the 
workers in the mines, mills and factories if the 
monopolies have their way. 

The United Front of Labor — a Left-Center Coa- 
lition — is what is required. Reaction can be stopped 
in its tracks today as it was stopped in the 30 ’s. The 
founders of the ALA are emerging as the center. A 
Left is needed to complete the united front. The re- 
building of this Left in the labor movement is the 
most urgent task facing Communists and other pro- 
gressives. This means first of all, rebuilding the Com- 
munist Party. Participation , is the word — not pas- 
sivity.” ( A Significant Labor Conference , by George 
Meyers. Political Affairs, July 1969, pages 32, 33, 

The exact methods employed to accomplish this massive 
infiltration project are not new. They brought success 
during an earlier era when the attempt w T as made, and 
we have no doubt that the Communists have profited by 
mistakes made then. It remains to be seen whether or- 
ganized labor will also profit by the lessons of the past, 
and at least acquaint itself with the early signs — they are 
unmistakable — of penetration. The least that labor can 
do is become thoroughly familiar with the techniques by 
which these infiltrations are made possible ; with the 



changing nature of propaganda on the subject; with the 
identities of the leaders of the movement, and the effects 
upon the ranks of organized labor. In every instance that 
has come to our attention over the years, where a labor 
organization has kept abreast of these infiltration at- 
tempts, giving them widespread publicity, and taking 
adequate counter measures, the effort has been a com- 
plete failure. 


The three main sources of Communist propaganda in 
California, in addition to the constant flood of materials 
from abroad and the publications of front organizations 
in this country, are the Peoples World, the International 
Bookstore in San Francisco, and the Progressive Book- 
store in Los Angeles. The newspaper is almost entirely 
supported by fund drives and large individual contribu- 
tions. Only recently a similar paper in New York, the 
Daily Worker, received a bequest of more than a million 
dollars from the estate of the late Herman Kaplan, the 
custodian for this sum being Herbert Aptheker, Lement 
Harris and Philip Foner. ( Chicago Tribune, April 7, 

Lists of those who receive these publications as sub-, 
scribers must be treated with extreme caution by amateur 
investigators, because some subscribers read and use them 
because of intellectual curiosity, as classroom documents, 
or for counter-subversive purposes. All subscribers are, 
of course, not Communists nor sympathizers any more 
than all members of Communist fronts are members of 
the Party. 

We have mentioned Political Affairs as the one organ 
that declares the world and national Party lines each 
month. It is assuredly one of the dreariest of publica- 
tions, and certainly one of the most important. 

In addition to these two major publications, the Peo- 
ples World and Political Affairs, there are the book- 
lets, programs and leaflets constantly being used by the 
CPUS A and its elaborate, interlocking network of front 

Under the leaky provisions of the Foreign Agents 
Registration Act of 1938, millions of Communist prop- 
aganda items come flooding into the United States an- 



nually from the USSR and other Communist countries. 
Needless to say, the U.S. publications permitted in Rus- 
sia amount to a drop as compared to a torrent. Records 
of the U.S. Customs Service in San Francisco reveal 
that in 1959 more than ten million separate propaganda 
items entered the United States from Communist coun- 
tries, a flood that is steadily increasing. 

Irving Fishman, Deputy Collector of Customs in New 
York City, has repeatedly submitted reports to Congress 
on this subject. They reveal that there are three main 
check points in the United States at which foreign prop- 
aganda is monitored, New York, New Orleans and San 
Francisco. But because of gaping holes in the Federal 
law, attempts to stem the tide have been futile. 

The San Francisco office has been paying particular 
attention to the quantity of propaganda coming to this 
state from China, North Korea and North Vietnam. 
Since the smoldering Sino-Soviet conflict escalated into 
a vicious . and occasionally bloody confrontation, the 
theme has been to indoctrinate California young Ameri- 
cans of Chinese descent and persuade them to come to 
mainland China for study, or to work in this country 
as Maoist Communists. We shall deal later with the 
success this effort has achieved. Reproductions of some 
recent Red Chinese and Vietnamese propaganda, with 
some from other countries, are presented as exhibits at 
the conclusion of this section. 

In addition to the domestic and foreign printed prop- 
aganda, there are speeches by Communists on the 
campuses of our state educational institutions, from high 
schools to universities. Quite manifestly they have noth- 
ing whatever to do with the standard curricula, and in- 
deed are often so emotional and exhortive that they are 
followed by riots and destruction. There are the constant 
succession of meetings by front groups, accompanied by 
panel discussions, speeches, and instruction and class- 
room indoctrination in our schools that will be discussed 
more fully hereafter. 

This relentless propaganda attack has been mounting 
in intensity for years. The measure of its success can be 
estimated by its increasing volume and its monumental 
cost. In recent years the Customs Service has reported 
that much of this material has been coming from Mexico 



and other Latin-American countries. A subcommittee of 
the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, studying the 
techniques of Soviet propaganda, had this to say: 

“The use by the Communist propaganda appara- 
tus of auxiliaries as diverse as they are inconspicu- 
ous emphasizes the importance of the ability to 
recognize them, despite their variety and conceal- 
ment. Two distinct traits betray them. First, the 
auxiliary invariably and undeviatingly supports each 
position on international affairs, supported by the 
Soviets and faithfully follows Moscow in every re- 
versal, twist and turn of policies; second, the auxil- 
iary will systematically denigrate every aspect of 
western regimes, while attempting to whitewash the 
Communists with equal consistency. 

While the Party line may shift with bewildering 
rapidity, a random sampling of the January, 1965 
position of auxiliaries vis-a-vis international politi- 
cal affairs would include: 

Opposition to any strengthening of Europe, es- 
pecially a European army. 

Denunciation of the retention of American troops 
in Europe. 

Disapprobation of NATO and SEATO. 

Approval of the TJ.N. veto power for the Soviets. 

Favoring abandonment of Berlin and disengage- 
ment in Germany. 

Opposition of the Federal German Republic and 
the ‘revenge mongers’ of Bonn. 

Advocacy of diplomatic recognition, and admission 
to the U.N., of the Peking government. 

Agitation for nuclear test bans and disarmament 
without control agreements. 

Condemnation of West European missile bases di- 
rected at the USSR, but not of USSR bases di- 
rected at Europe. 

Censure of the ‘feudal and corrupt dictators’' 
Chiang Kai-shek, Moise Tshombe and Antonio 
Salazar, but praise for the anti-American dicta- 
tors Fidel Castro, Ben Bella and Achmed 

Pressure for the surrender of Quemoy and Matsu 
to Peiping. 


Opposition to the Franco-British action at Suez,, 
but approval of the anti-Franco British action at 

Antagonism to Israel, Fellowship of Arab ‘Na- 
tionalism’; Antagonism to France, Fellowship of 
the FLN; Antagonism to Britain, Fellowship 
with the Mau Mau; and in Moslem Kashmir, 
Antagonism to India. 

Promotion of Summit Conferences on any and all 

Endorsement of ‘Cultural Exchanges,’ but tolera- 
tion of USSR literary censorship and radio jam- 

Enunciation of Western ‘colonialism’ and Asia and 
Africa, with complete silence concerning brutal 
Soviet colonialism in Eastern Europe. 

Opposition to internationally controlled free elec- 
tions on German unification but endorsement of 
‘elections’ on Vietnamese unification without in- 
ternational control. 

Censure of ‘dollar Imperialism’ anywhere in the 
World, but loud praise for ‘ruble aid’ to under- 
developed nations. 

Condemnation of American bases in Europe and 
Asia, but strident defense of Communist parties, 
which are effectively Soviet bases in all 

Obviously many independent minds will, whether 
logically or fallaciously, arrive at the same position as 
the Soviets on some individual issues, but it is in- 
conceivable that any but a dominated and disciplined 
auxiliary will be in systematic and synchronized 
agreement with all the Kremlin’s positions. It is by 
this consistency that the auxiliary can be recog- 
nized.” ( The Techniques of Soviet Propaganda, 
Senate Document No. 34, 90th Congress, 1st Session, 
1967, pages 9 and 10.) 

Mr. Fishman has stated that his Customs Service or- 
ganization reported to Federal agencies an increase in 
the propaganda material directed to students and youth 
in this country, that is increasing at the rate of approxi- 
mately 40% a year. One of the sources is the huge print- 
ing piant operated by the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City 



for the purpose of preparing and disseminating anti- 
American propaganda both in this country and through- 
out Latin America. The American taxpayer is, of course, 
being compelled to indirectly finance the distribution of 
this propaganda throughout our country because of the 
subsidy to the United States Post Office Department. 

It would indeed be difficult to find three well-known 
Americans, the first a scholar and writer, the second a 
former Chief Justice of the United States Supreme 
Court, and the third the Director of the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation, whose views on most topics would be 
more divergent. But on one thing they are in solid ac- 
cord, as the following quotations will demonstrate. Dr. 
H. A. Overstreet, in his book, The Great Enterprise, 
W. W. Norton & Co., Inc., N.Y., 1952, wrote on page 

“We have so recently become acquainted with 
Communist strategies that we have scarcely as yet 
begun to work out our own psychological counter- 
strategies. On the contrary, we have occupied our- 
selves chiefly with the more familiar strategies of 
military defense and offense . . . this means, first 
and last, that we must learn how not to be taken in. 
We know now, after a number of painful experi- 
ences, that Communists who come to the support 
of oppressed individuals or groups are not primarily 
interested in the oppressed, but in the use they can 
make of them as a springboard from which to launch 
propaganda looking to the overthrow of our system 
of life.” 

Former Chief Justice Earl Warren declared that: 

“All those who are devoted to the Communist cause 
are our enemies, whether they are within or without 
our country.” {Los Angeles Times, August 4, 1950.) 

It remains for Mr. Hoover, testifying before the House 
Subcommittee on Appropriations, April 17, 1969, to put 
the matter into final perspective. He said : 

“Although activities of old-line Communist organi- 
zations in the United States have been overshadowed" 
by the militancy of the New Left and racial disorders, 
the threat of Communism has certainly not dimin- 
ished. It flows from the Communist Party — USA — 


with its blind obedience to the Soviet Union and from 
the various Communist splinter groups, such as the 
Progressive Labor Party, the pro-Peking group I 
mentioned earlier which, in addition to stepped-up 
efforts to extend its influence on college campuses, has 
made a concerted effort to take over the national lead- 
ership of the Students for a Democratic Society, the 
militant pro-Marxist anarchistic, campus-based New 
Left groups; the Socialist Workers’ Party; the 
Workers’ World Party; and their affiliates. These or- 
ganizations seek to transform this country into a Com- 
munist state, but differ on the plans to be followed. 

The turbulence generated by the New Left stimu- 
lated all these organizations into moving forward to- 
ward increased militancy themselves. Seizing any pre- 
text as the foundation for a protest demonstration, 
leaders of these organizations seek to proliferate such 
demonstration into a massive confrontation with the 
authorities to generate disrespect for law and order. 

A typical example occurred in connection with the 
coalition group participating in picketing against es- 
tablishments of the French Government in the United 
States in J uly, 1968. In the Berkeley, Calif., area this 
coalition was led by an official of the Socialist Work- 
ers’ Party and included members of the Socialist 
Workers’ Party; the Young Socialist Alliance, the 
Youth Group of the Socialist Workers’ Party; Spar- 
tacist, a Trotskyite group ; and others. The aggressive 
action taken by this group necessitated a curfew in 
Berkeley in order to quell the disturbance. 

The growing militancy of the old-line Communist 
organizations was also demonstrated at the Eighth 
National Convention of the Young Socialist Alliance, 
held November 28 through December 1, 1968, at Chi- 
cago, 111. The Young Socialist Alliance is the youth 
and training section of the Socialist Workers Party, 
a militantly revolutionary Party based on the theories 
of Marx, Engels and Lenin, as interpreted by Leon 
Trotsk.y. Among the nearly 800 in attendance were 7 
enlisted men from the U.S. Army and several mem- 
bers of the Students for a Democratic Society, as well 
as individuals from Canada, Mexico, France and West 
Germany. Members of the Black Panther Party, a 



militant Black Nationalist group, were among tfre 
speakers at the convention. 

One speaker described those in attendance as being 
the vanguard of the young students and workers who 
are called upon to bring the liberating ideas of Social- 
ism to the American people. Another speaker appealed 
to the group to increase their efforts to reach the 
G. I. ’s, to invite them to participate in demonstrations 
as a group of 100,000 G. I. ’s can make the revolution. 
At the time of the convention, Young Socialist Alli- 
ance members were reported to be located in 101 col- 
leges or universities, 32 high schools and 5 junior high 

While all the splinter organizations have their roots 
in the Communist movement, it is essential that it be 
clearly understood that there are ideological differ- 
ences between them, and that all these organizations 
are not part of the Communist Party — USA. Most 
of these Communist splinter organizations follow the 
interpretation of Marxism-Leninism, espoused by the 
late Leon Trotsky, or Communist China. 

The Communist Party — USA, on the other hand, 
represents that part of the international Communist 
movement in the United States, which is pro-Soviet. 
As a result we find the Communist Party — USA, fol- 
lowing the line established by the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union regardless of the effect that such 
action will have on the Party’s acceptance in the 
United States. Thus, during the past year, we had 
Party leader Gus Hall holding a press conference in 
Budapest, Hungary, in February, 1968, where he de- 
clared that United States ‘imperialism’ was the cen- 
tral issue uniting the 67 Communist and Workers’ 
Parties gathered in Budapest for a consultative meet- 
ing. It was also at this time that Hall stated the meet- 
ing had unanimously approved a proposal by the U. S. 
delegation that it send a message of sympathy and 
support to North Vietnam for its valiant stand 
against ‘American aggression.’ ” 





Prepared by 


New York 

Workers Library Publishers 




celclvde May day 







Former national leader of SDS. Presently 
organizing for People's confrontation at 
National Democratic Convention. 


National Educational Director of W.E.B. 
Du Bois Clubs of America 


“ MARTES 13" 


6 Ace's fMI *••*=«* JhT I OR . 

152 T /\] t Vt WED.. MAY 1st - 8 EM 


$ 1.00 







23 Wert 26th Street. New York, N.Y. 1 00 10 

VOL- 3 No. 2 Price 25c .»» Febru.ry 21. 1949 

I S Bob Duggan, Southern California District 
(This is a revised version of the original document. ) 



Every organization must have a clear conception of what its strategic 
goal is. Failure to have a clear goal in mind will result not in an organiza- 
tion but a movement that is threaded together on the basis of vaguely or im- 
plicitly understood issues. It will not be a vanguard organization, not even a 
leading organization. 

It has always been true in a revolutionary movement that every strategic 
goal has a minimum and maximum program. Moreover, at any particular 
moment in history, struggle over minimum goals may be sharper and more 


Levi Laub, Milton Rosen and Mortimer Scheer were 
expelled from the CPUS A because they were found 
guilty of “Left deviationism, ” which in lay language 
means that they became ' impatient with the long-range 
strategy of the Party. They preferred the Trotsky- 
Maoist theory of permanent revolution and immediate 
violent action. When, in the summer of 1960, the rift 
between Moscow and Peking loomed as real and deep, 
these leaders, with a considerable following, boldly ex- 
pressed their sentiments and were promptly ousted. 

This splinter group of Marxist radicals then formed 
their own organization of activists and called it the Pro- 
gressive Labor Movement. It openly espoused the Red 
Chinese brand of Communism and engaged in a cam- 
paign of violence. Members were sent to Cuba for indoc- 
trination and training; a recruiting campaign brought 
in a fresh supply of new members and a West Coast 
headquarters was opened at 2629 Acton Street, Berkeley 
under the direction of Mort Scheer, who had been an 
organizer for the CPUS A in Buffalo, New York. 

In 1965 the Progressive Labor Movement changed its 
name to Progressive Labor Party and continues to func- 
tion under that title. By 1967 the PLP had become so 
strong and active that the FBI revealed a message of 
congratulations from the Communist Party of China to 
leaders of the PLP, that Peking regarded it as “the only 
revolutionary Marxist-Leninist Party in the United 
States.” (Testimony of J. Edgar Hoover, Subcommittee 
on Appropriations, Op. cit., page 54; 1965 California 
Report , pages 165-169.) 

Cuba was, and to a large extent continues to be, the 
mecca for the more militant young Marxists in the 
United States. Castro and the late Ernesto “Che” Gue- 
vara are their idols. They were exponents of guerrilla 
warfare that had been patterned after the Maoist tech- 
niques that were successful in China and brought that 
country into Communist domination in 1949. It has been 
said that during the post-revolutionary period in Cuba, 

( 177 ) 


Castro’s body was figuratively divided, with bis heart in 
Peking and his stomach in Moscoav. But while emotional 
starvation is disagreeable, food starvation is more grimly 
realistic. So when Castro sought to make Cuba a center 
from which his revolution would be exported throughout 
the South American countries, Peking applauded but 
Moscow" began to decrease its material aid. Che Guevara 
was killed and his small guerrilla band captured during 
its attempt to subvert a South American country; there 
were other failures and finally the hot tactic of guerrilla 
warfare w r as replaced by the slower, tested, less percep- 
tible tactic of subversion Moscow style : infiltration, prop- 
aganda, recruiting and a steady nibbling away at the soft 
understructures of non-Communist regimes. 

From an analysis of the group affiliations of the young 
radicals who have made the trips to Havana from United 
States and from the disclosures of those who were disil- 
lusioned, we find that while Cuba is still the center for 
propaganda and training, it has veered closer to the Mos- 
cow than to the Peking pattern of revolution. 

The national PLP has been immersed in violence al- 
most since its inception. During a meeting at its New 
York headquarters, 336 Lennox Avenue, January 21 
1965, Larry Phelps, a 23-year old graduate student from 
the University of North Carolina, who had visited in 
Cuba in 1963, was stabbed to death. Tw t o women who 
were attending this meeting were also seriously injured. 
(New York Times , January 24, 1965.) 

Violence so imbued PLP members that they clashed 
repeatedly in fights with other radical groups. We know 
of no instance involving clashes with members of the 
CPUS A, notwithstanding deep ideological and strategy 
differences arising from the Sino-Soviet split. On the 
contrary, these two Marxist groups have collaborated in 
many united front demonstrations. An example is seen 
when, among the 120 pickets at the Los Angeles Herald 
Examiner offices at 11th and Broadway, Los Angeles, 
August 8, 1968, Dorothy Healey and James Dann, chair- 
man of the Los Angeles PLP, walked amicably in the 
same picket line. 

No such collaboration was accorded the Socialist Party 
members however, as demonstrated by the incident in San 
Francisco on July 15, 1967, when hot-headed PLP mem- 



bers launched an attack. This provoked a letter, which we 
quote for the purpose of showing how animosity was 
spreading among some of the radical organizations, not- 
ably the San Francisco Socialist Party and the Socialist 
Workers’ Party (Trotskyite Communists) in that city. 
The letter was as follows : 

An Open Letter to The Progressive Labor Party 

“On Saturday, July 15, 1967, 8 members of the 
San Francisco Socialist Campaign Committee, the 
Young Socialist Alliance and the Socialist Workers 
Party were physically attacked by approximately 
20 supporters of the Progressive Labor Party. The 
assault occurred while we were distributing litera- 
ture at a street demonstration on the corner of 22nd 
and Mission. According to the San Francisco Chron- 
icle, the rally had been called by the Mission Tenants 

As Socialist candidate for mayor, I was present 
at the rally, along with a few friends, to distribute 
my campaign material. I was told by a member of 
the Progressive Labor Party that if I handed out 
any literature I would be physically removed and 
my literature would be confiscated. 

I contacted Robert Himmel, local chairman of the 
Socialist Workers Party, and asked him to come to 
the rally to get some official clarification from leaders 
of PLP on what appeared to be a blatant attempt to 
suppress my rights. 

When Himmel and a few other SWP members 
arrived a short time later, we approached a leading 
member of PLP, Dennis Mosgofian, in an effort to 
work out what we hoped was simply a misunder- 
standing. Himmel was told by Mosgofian that I had 
lied about the threats and nobody would interfere 
with us. He told us to ‘go ahead and hand out any- 
thing you want’. 

But when we attempted to distribute our leaflets 
we were attacked, knocked to the ground, kicked and 
beaten by about 20 supporters of PLP, including 
Mosgofian, PLP candidate for S.F. Supervisor John 


Ross, West Coast PLP organizer Chris Raisner, 
and S. F. State PLP Chairman John Levin. 

The Progressive Labor Party claims to advocate 
Socialism. Is this claim supported by beating up 
candidates running on an anti-war and pro-Socialist 
platform ? What kind of conduct is this? What kind 
of respect for civil liberties is this from a group 
advocating Socialism? Socialists should be in the 
forefront of the fight for free speech! 

No one in the radical movement gains from such 
conduct. Radicals should be united in defending free 
speech for all. It is a scandal when Socialists have 
to defend their right to free speech against ‘Social- 
ists’ who proclaim their socialism by using goon 
squad tactics to trample on that right. 

In the past the YSA and the SWP have consist- 
ently fought every effort by the bourgeois state and 
the right wing to abridge democratic rights. We have 
fought all attacks, whether they were directly against 
us, the Communist Party, PLP or anyone else. We 
will continue to do so in the future. 

We fought during the 30 ’s when the Stalinized 
Communist Party tried to use its superior numbers 
and influence in this country to smash radical oppon- 
ents through the use of violence. 

Do you of the PLP believe that you can resurrect 
the methods of Stalin? Or do you think you are the 
American incarnation of Mao’s Red Guards? Do 
you imagine that Stalinist nonsense about Trotsky- 
ists being ‘Fascist agents’ will get you by in this day 
and age? By attacking us, you can only make your- 
selves look ludicrous. 

We trust that the national leadership of the PLP 
rejects such attacks as both unworthy and unwork- 
able. We trust that you will take disciplinary action 
against those of your members who w r ere involved 
in this scandalous attack. We trust that a public 
apology will be forthcoming. 

(Signed) Robert Davis 
Socialist Candidate for Mayor 
of San Francisco.” 



The foregoing letter was written on the stationery of 
the Socialist Campaign Committee, 1733 Waller Street, 
San Francisco, Calif., 94117. Phone 752-1790. 

Swept along by its determined belligerence, its tech- 
nique of direct action, and its generally defiant attitude 
against anything connected with what it referred to as 
“the establishment,” PLP grew rapidly. It drew some of 
the younger members from the Socialist Workers Party 
and from the CPUS A, opened offices at central points 
of importance throughout the United States, conducted 
recruiting campaigns on college campuses, issued an as- 
tounding quantity of leaflets, booklets, newspapers and 
other propaganda that loomed out of all proportion to 
the membership of the organization and its relatively 
meager income from dues. 

At the height of its success, the PLP placed many of 
its members in the ranks of another and larger organiza- 
tion of revolutionary youth, Students for a Democratic 
Society, and when they considered their strength sufficient 
they launched a drive to take control of this organization. 
At the same time, in Los Angeles, a similar move was 
conducted which created a rivalry between the PLP and 
the CPUS A in the attempts of each organization to bend 
the Los Angeles SDS to its own objectives. In the ensu- 
ing section, dealing with Students for a Democratic So- 
ciety, we will consider this rivalry in detail, and demon- 
strate how the superior discipline and the experience of 
the Communist Party enabled it to prevail, sharply re- 
ducing the effectiveness of the PLP and stemming the 
exodus of young CPUS A members into the new militant 
youth organization. 

Publications and Finances 

In 1964 Challenge issued Volume I, No. 1, as a weekly 
from an office at 66 West 109th Street, New York. The 
editor of this PLP publication was Fred Jerome, and it 
comprised an 8 page newspaper, the last two pages of 
which were in Spanish. 

A year later the San Francisco PLP issued its publi- 
cation, Spark: Western Voice for Revolution from its 
office at 3382 18th Street, San Francisco, and carried arti- 
cles by John Ross, Steve Cherkoss, Jim Carrico and John 
Hayes. It, too, devoted 2| of its 8 pages to material in the 



Spanish language. Whether the title of this California 
paper was inspired by the name of the publication Lenin 
wrote during his exile in Switzerland for the Russian 
Revolution, is not known. Lenin’s paper was Iskra, which 
means “Spark” in Russian. At any rate, the San Fran- 
cisco Spark was extinguished early in 1968 after a rela- 
tively short life, and thereafter the PLP news from Cali- 
fornia was carried for the most part in the Eastern 
publication Challenge, and in the endless leaflets, reports, 
pamphlets and other propaganda material issued by all 
of these Marxist radical movements. 

We have made some reproductions of several PLP 
publications to accompany this text as exhibits, and they 
will serve to give some very slight indication of the great 
expense incurred in producing the propaganda that 
spreads the Maoist-Castro brand of Communist Revolu- 
tion. It seems that almost from its beginning, the PLP 
was plentifully supplied with cash, the question was, 
where from 1 ? 

The PLP has been an exceedingly tough and influential 
movement, and as it reached the zenith of its power in 
1964^1965, its publications were increasing in volume and 
its members were making the pilgrimage to Cuba more 
frequently. This was the time when the CPUS A was col- 
laborating with most of the other radical groups of the 
New Left. In Oakland the Dover Street home of Albert 
Lima was visited by Bettina Aptheker, who was a house 
guest there at one time, and other Communists of note, 
and also by members of the PLP, in one of whom we are 
especially interested, Yvonne Marie Bond, sometimes 
known as Geraldine Hightower. Miss Bond does not con- 
ceal the fact that she is a Communist affiliated with the 
PLP. In 1964 Miss Bond, then 23, and a former student at 
Berkeley, was living at 5225 Miles Avenue, Oakland. 

Another resident in the Lima home for several months 
during 1964 was a parolee from San Quentin Prison, Man- 
uel F. Rodriguez, whose criminal record as set forth in 
the official documents under number A-19958 is massive. 
Bettina Aptheker often visited the Lima home while 
Rodriguez lived there, and indeed was present when the 
parole officer to whom Rodriguez was assigned made his 
inspection of the premises at Dover Street. Rodriguez has 
stated that he frequently met Yvonne Bond, Bettina 



Aptheker and other Communists during his stay with the 
Lima ’s. 

The circumstances by which Rodriguez was released 
from prison and resided with the chairman of the North- 
ern Division of the Communist Party of California are 
interesting and intriguing. While Rodriguez was a San 
Quentin inmate, Albert J. Lima attempted to send him 
$25.00 as evidenced by a postal money order bearing 
number 12-71-542-731. It was returned with a letter 
dated June 12 1962, because Lima had not been approved 
as a correspondent or visitor. Lima then submitted the 
required questionnaire giving his occupation as ‘‘con- 
struction” and his residence as 6115 Dover Street, Oak- 

On September 6, 1962, Helen Corbin Lima filled out a, 
similar questionnaire, her $25.00 money order No. 12-717- 
544-283 for Rodriguez also having been returned with a 
letter from prison officials dated July 20 1952. Mrs. Lima 
gave her occupation as “hospital kitchen worker,” Her^ 
rick Hospital, Berkeley. 

Mr. Lloyd Culardy, who as a representative of a Hos- 
pital and Drug Employees Union, interceded on behalf 
of a parole for Rodriguez, managed to get him a job in a 
Berkeley restaurant on Shattuck Avenue, and when the 
parole was granted on July 11 1963, the parolee became a 
resident in the Lima home. He was not a Communist and 
had no subversive record so far as we have been able to 
ascertain. He had met Lima and other high Communist 
officials while they were confined in the Los Angeles jail 
on a conspiracy charge, subsequently dropped in 1951. 
Rodriguez was a prisoner in the same institution for an- 
other offense. Then, 10 years later, there was a sudden 
interest in Rodriguez — the attempts to send him money, 
the working for his parole, the securing of a job for him, 
and accepting him in the Lima home where this vulnera- 
ble parolee was allowed almost daily contact with numer- 
ous Communists — including the one in whom we are most 
interested, Yvonne Marie Bond of the Progressive Labor 

The particular interest in Miss Bond was occasioned by 
her sudden and mysterious affluence during the early 
summer of 1964. On May 19 she appeared at the Oakland 
office of Trans World Airlines, 5225 Miles Avenue, Oak- 



land, and paid $12,468.00 in crisp new one hundred dollar 
bills for transportation for herself and 29 other young 
people from California to Paris. Later this deposit was 
cancelled and the money refunded. 

On May 22, 1964 Miss Bond registered at Gramercy 
Hotel, New York City, and telephoned Lee Coe, 840 
Delaware Street, Berkeley. Coe had been a well-known 
member of the CPUSA in the Bay area, served a term as 
labor editor of the Peoples World, and was now working 
on the editorial staff of Progressive Labor, one of the 
early publications for PLP. 

On May 23 Yvonne Bond and Morton Slater appeared 
at the office of Travel Associates, New York City, re- 
questing information concerning the price of tickets and 
flight schedules from New York to Paris. 

On May 25, Monday, Miss Bond and Mr. Slater re- 
turned to Travel Associates and deposited 47 crisp, new 
one hundred dollar bills in part payment for tickets for 
28 students from San Francisco to Paris, a part of the 
deposit being 3 one dollar bills and 30 cents in change and 
a cashier’s check for the balance of $12,450.00. 

On the same day, May 25, 1964, Miss Bond and Mr, 
Slater visited Pan American Airways office in New York, 
where Slater paid $10,420.00 in cash for tickets from 
Chicago to. Paris with crisp, new one hundred dollar bills. 

On May 26, Mr. Slater went to Foreign Tours, Inc., 
New York City, and purchased transportation for a 
group of young people from New York to Paris and paid 
for the tickets with crisp, new one hundred dollar bills. 

Due to the alertness of one of the individuals with 
whom these transactions were conducted, the serial num- 
bers of the bills were noted and a telephone call was made 
to the New York field office of the Federal Bureau 
of Investigation. The numbers were K3735411-13 ; 
K3735431; K3735442-48; K3735605-31; K3735633-41. 

They were immediately traced, of course, and were found 
to have been shipped to the San Antonio Branch of the 
Federal Reserve Bank in July 1962. The money was held 
there until April 20 1964, when they were issued to the 
First National Bank of San Antonio. On that same day 
they were included in the shipment of one million dollars 
made to the Banco de Mexico in Mexico City by the First 
National Bank. 


Investigations of this entire matter were made by the 
House Committee, an independent investigation made by 
us, and one by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 
which we need hardly add was conducted independently 
of the other two. 

Thus, we know that suddenly Miss Bond received some 
money from Mexico, that it amounted to a large amount 
in new one hundred dollar bills, that she purchased 
tickets for “students” and members of the PLP to visit 
Cuba, because, as she admitted, the flight departed from 
Kennedy International Airport, New York, on June 10, 
1964 for Paris; thence on Air France, flight 010; thence 
by Czech Airlines, flight 508 to Prague, Czechoslovakia 
on June 11, 1964; thence to Havana, Cuba on June 11 via 
Cubana Airlines, arriving at Havana Airport on June 
12. The departure from Havana was made August 12. 
During their stay the visitors conferred with officials of 
the Cuban regime and other Communists from various 
countries before returning to Kennedy International Air- 
port on August 14, 1964 via Prague and Paris. 

The foregoing account serves to illustrate the collabora- 
tion between the PLP and the Communist Party in 1964, 
and that the California unit of the PLP was so highly 
regarded that Miss Bond was trusted with the money 
from Mexico and the making of arrangements for trans- 
portation of these young radicals from the United States 
to Havana for indoctrination and training. She went to 
the Oakland TWA office on May 19, 1964, and the Bod- 
riguez parole had been canceled four days previously 
and he was back in prison again. He has declared that 
he found out where Miss Bond got the money — but al- 
though we have corroborated some of his statements, and 
although the records show that he told his story to the 
FBI, much of it remains to be verified, which in view 
of his instability in other respects will require a vast 
amount of time and work. It must be pointed out, how- 
ever, that Lima considered him sufficiently stable to send 
him money, arrange for his parole, get him a job, re- 
ceive him in his home, and permit him to have contacts 
with the constant stream of visitors to the premises at 
6115 Dover Street in Oakland. 

From the first issue of Challenge, all of the PLP prop- 
aganda was keyed to a vicious attack against the police, 



urging the Black people to take to the streets and smash 
the class enemy. A Black Liberation Commission was es- 
tablished, and issued its own highly incendiary appeals — 
replete with pictures and cartoons. The first issue of 
Challenge, dated June 11, 1964, carried a blazing red head- 
line “POLICE WAR ON BARLEM” with tales of al- 
leged sadistic tortures of black victims by law enforce- 
ment officers. These all-out drives to incite the Negro 
and Latin American minorities continued, interspersed 
with the usual line on Vietnam, attacks on big business, 
on landlords, and even against some Communist-con- 
trolled fronts. The collaborations with the CPUS A had 
cooled down as the Sino-Soviet split heated up. Thus, 
in Spark, December, 1967, the California PLP organi- 
zation, took after the Peace Action Council of Los An- 
geles as follows : 

“In contrast to Corky Gonzales in Denver, and 
Lopez (Reies) Tijerina in New Mexico, the East 
Los Angeles Peace Committee and the Peace Action 
Council have ignored the oppression of working peo- 
ple here and have not tried to lead a fight against 
imperialism in their own community as well as in 
Vietnam. They turn their backs on the struggles of 
the people all around them, while they claim to be 
concerned about the struggles about the Vietnamese. 

They are afraid to tell the people the truth, that 
the big businessmen and their government make huge 
profits off the war and the oppression of the Viet- 
namese, just as they do off the oppression of the 
working people here, including the Mexicans and 
Black people.” 

This mounting antagonism was repeated in Challenge 
for March, 1968, in an article on page 17 headed “ ‘New 
Party’ is C.P. Planned to Rule or Ruin New Left,” as- 
serting that “C.P.’s guiding principle is ‘if you can’t 
beat them, get in there and control them.’ ” The article 
continued with the Maoist line that the CPUS A had be- 
trayed Marxism by holding that “class interest is the 
basis of politics,” and declaring that “the Progressive 
Labor Party has always maintained that Black radicals 
must base themselves on organizing Black workers to 
lead the broad Black Liberation struggle, just as White 



radicals must base themselves on organizing White work- 

But while the PLP was attacking the Communist 
Party for its well-known device of infiltration and con- 
trol, it was doing precisely the same thing in a drive to 
infiltrate and control the large and violent Students for 
a Democratic Society. And it is ironic to note that when 
the power play was made by the PLP during the 1969 
SDS Chicago Convention, the position that turned the 
tide against the effort was the PLP attack on the Black 
Panthers ; surprising indeed after the propaganda urging 
Black radicals to militant action. But the detailed dis- 
cussion of this futile power drive properly belongs in 
the following section, dealing with Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society. 

The most ambitious and expensive PLP publication 
was Progressive Labor at 50^ a copy, a thick magazine 
lavishly illustrated and a good part of which was devoted 
to praises of the “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution 
in China,” and citing Mao Tse-tung’s definition of Rev- 
olution: “A revolution is an insurrection, an act of vio- 
lence by which one class overthrows another.” (Vol. VI, 
No. 2, Nov.-Dee., 1967.) Some of the featured articles in 
this issue of the magazine are : “Power in the University” 
by John Levin, PLP student organizer at the University 
of California, page 35 ; “ The Great Delano Grape Strike, ’ ’ 
page 45, and “We Must Rule the Schools,” page 50. The 
latter article was also considered sufficiently important 
to be reprinted in booklet form and widely disseminated 
throughout the country. 

Local Meetings 

As Students for a Democratic Society has spread and 
flourished, the Progressive Labor Party has declined in 
size and influence. This is not to say that these followers 
of the Red Chinese attitude towards violence are not 
among the most dangerous and active radicals in our 
country today, who continue to devote themselves to the 
use of force and violence to destroy our way of life, and 
whose dedication to revolution through disruption con- 
tinues unabated. Meetings and training classes are usually 
held in private homes, attended by an average of ten to 
twenty members, and are uniformly reported as dull 



and uninspiring. The lectures at public meetings such as 
the Progressive Labor Forums are however more fiery 
and speakers are more able and effective than those at 
the smaller gatherings. 

During 1967 and 1968 training classes and meetings 
were held in Southern California at the following ad- 
dresses: 448 North Westmoreland, April 22, 1967; 4920 
South Figueroa Avenue, Los Angeles, November 3, 1967 
House Meetings and Training Sessions at 1169 South 
Mullen Avenue, Los Angeles, December 15, 1967; 1617 
East Palmer Street, Compton, January 28, 1968; 1004 
Lake Street, Venice, February 11, 1968; 1121 South 
White Avenue, Compton, February 25, 1968; 1617 East 
Palmer Street, Compton, March 10, 1968; 1004 Lake 
Street, Venice, March 14, 1968; 1617 East Palmer Street, 
Compton, April 11, 1968. 

At these meetings there was much discussion of the 
Communist movement in the Chinese Peoples Republic, 
many copies of Mao Tse-tung’s little red plastic volume, 
such as “The Sayings of Chairman Mao,” and “Chair- 
man Mao Tse-tung on Peoples War,” posters, propa- 
ganda pamphlets and other written material were con- 
stantly being circulated and studied. Outlines for study 
at the training classes consisted of red, yellow, orange 
and blue documents, with page citations, and photocopies 
of the curricula for some of the early classes of PLP 
disclosed that they covered a wide variety of topics. Some 
of them were: “Road to Revolution, Peoples Art in 
China, Worker-Student Alliance, Students and Liberal- 
ism, Anti-Imperialist Groups Must Fight, The Plot 
Against Black America, The Revolt in Watts, PLP Com- 
munity Work, PL Trade Union Program, U.S. Workers, 
A Force for Revolution.” 

As we have seen, there were delegations of PLP mem- 
bers travelling back and forth between Cuba, Czechoslo- 
vakia, and other Communist countries, constantly keep- 
ing up their enthusiasm through contacts with world 
Communist leaders, and attending indoctrination and 
training classes abroad. Red China was also encouraging 
its young admirers in this country, as shown by state- 
ments appearing in the Hsinhua News Agency, China 
News Service, Kandachuo Building, 20, 3 Cliome Kanda, 
Nishikicho Chiyodaku, Tokyo. This address is simply 



an outlet for Red Chinese propaganda, as also is the 
one used by the News Agency in Hong Kong. They come 
into this country as part of the propaganda flood that 
continues unchecked under existing law, and we conclude 
this section on the Progressive Labor Party by quoting 
material from the News Agency dated January 12, 1969, 
and March 31, 1969, as follows: 

“Peking, January 8, — an ordinary staff member 
of the U.S. Progressive Labor Party has justly 
denounced the criminal capitalist system in an enemy 
court and expressed his determination to thoroughly 
bury that system by means of violent revolution* 
according to the November issue of Challenge , or- 
gan of the Party. 

Eric Johnson, PLP’s West Coast Trade Union 
organizer, and his comrades-in-arms were regarded 
as a thorn in flesh by the U.S. Ruling Circles because 
they actively organized the masses to wage political 
struggles against police brutality and against the 
war of aggression in Vietnam. The reactionary San 
Francisco authorities put Eric Johnson and six 
other persons on a legal trial last September and 
flagrantly sentenced to one year on the charge of 
‘assaulting a police officer’. 

Answering the Judge’s interrogations in Court, 
Eric J ohnson declared resolutely that he was fighting 
for the end of a system that is based on profit and 
that to do it he would resort to whatever means 
necessary, including violent means, because those 
who hold the system ‘are holding it by whatever 
means they have to hold it, one of the means by 
which I find myself in this courtroom.’ 

When the Court vainly lulled his struggle by re- 
minding him that he had a wife and child, Eric John- 
son said firmly, ‘I hope my child grows up to fight 
these Courts in the same way that I have ; and I hope 
that my child takes it up the same way I have.’ 

The Judge tried to intimidate him into ‘admitting 
his error’, but Eric Johnson reported that he was 
‘resisting and inter f erring with the attack that was 
made upon the people that I know and have worked 
with. ’ 



He said: ‘Those who attack me and attack the 
rest of us were sent there by those who are really 
guilty in this society, men who stood above you in 
judgment, people that make billions out of all the 
people in the world, who squash the people in this 
world into blood, and they think they can get awqy 
^yith it forever and they think they can get away 
with putting people in jail and attacking people. 
There must be a movement to smash them, (that 
system and the people that run that system) forever, 
to run them off the face of the globe,’ he stated.” 
(Daily, News, Release, Hsinhua News Agency, Janu- 
ary 10, 1969.) 

The second reference to the Progressive Labor Party 
in the United States is headed “American Progressive 
Labor Party Leader on Party Building, ’ ’ and appears in 
the News Agency for March 31, 1969, pages 26-27. It 
carries a March 21 dateline from Peking, and praises 
Bill Epton, a functionary of the PLP in the United 
States, for calling on young radicals to overthrow the 
system of government in the United States. And quoting 
chairman Mao as follows: 

“If there is to be a Revolution, there must be a 
Revolutionary Party. Without a Revolutionary 
Party, and without a Party built on the Marxist- 
Leninist Revolutionary theory and in the Marxist- 
Leninist Revolutionary style, it is impossible to lead 
the working class and the broad masses of the peo- 
ple in defeating imperialism and its running dogs.” 

Epton is further quoted as writing in his article for 
the February 1969 issue of Challenge, that: 

“The United States imperialist system is the most 
ruthless and vicious system in the world today . . . 
It has a history of murder, plunder, oppression and 
exploitation. It will not give up easily and just stop 
this exploitation of the people of the world and of 
the working class here at home ... It is because 
of the solidarity, unity, discipline and guidance by 
the science of Marxism-Leninism that our small 
Party, that is scarcely four years old and learning 
from its mistakes, has already taken on U.S. im- 



perialism boldly and bas lead and participated in 
many struggles of the working classes, both Black 
and White. It is because we are being trained in the 
revolutionary science of Marxism-Leninism and are 
struggling to put it into practice that we are begin- 
ning to have a definite impact in the struggles that 
affect the lives of the American people.” 

This same publication carries messages from the Cen- 
tral Committee of the Chinese Communist Party; from 
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of 
Burma; from the Vice-Chairman of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party of Burma; from the 
Revolutionary Communist Party of Chile; the Marxist- 
Leninist Party of France; the Marxist-Leninist Com- 
munist League of Sweden; the Mongolian Revolutionary 
People, and the Communist Party of Brazil. The tenor 
of these readings and the texts that accompany them is 
condemnation of the Soviet Union for betraying the 
philosophy of Marx and Lenin, and pointing out that 
only the Red Chinese Communists are the true follow- 
ers of that ideology, together with their supporting or- 
ganizations throughout the various countries of the world 
where the Maoists have managed to maintain organized 

It must be emphasized that the mere fact that occa- 
sionally the CPUS A, the Trotskyists, the Maoists, and 
other radical Marxist groups see fit to collaborate in a 
united front activity, by no means should indicate that 
the deep ideological animosity that sets them against one 
another, sometimes in hand-to-hand combat, is not al- 
ways smoldering and ready to burst into flames when the 
provocation arises. 







/o cenrs 






WE must rule 
the school 









The inception, organization, officers and activities of 
SDS has been set forth in previous reports. To recapit- 
ulate briefly, it commenced as the Youth Section of the 
old League for Industrial Democracy, which had its ori- 
gin some 50 years ago. In 1960 this youth division 
changed its name to Students for a Democratic Society 
and reorganized at a convention held at Port Huron, 
Michigan, two years later. A declaration of purposes and 
principles had been prepared by Tom Hayden, a founder 
and national president of SDS. It was adopted enthusi- 
astically at the Port Huron convention and has since 
served as the manifesto for the movement. 

Communists and “Right Extremists” were at first 
barred from membership, but the ban against members 
of all radical Left groups was soon lifted, and young 
members of the Communist Party, Socialist Workers’ 
Party (Trotskyites) and Progressive Labor Party gave 
added impetus to SDS, which was already growing with 
surprising speed. This influx led to participation in 
united front demonstrations with other organizations and 
paved the way toward eventual arguments over ideologi- 
cal matters, splits and cliques and drives for power. This 
was, of course, inevitable because of dual memberships 
in SDS and other radical organizations, and to allegi- 
ances stemming from older affiliations. The SDS rapidly 
became vastly larger than the other New Left groups, or 
Old Left, for that matter, and presented a tempting tar- 
get to be hit by the old device of infiltration and capture 
of key positions. 

By 1966 the membership included advocates of “Par- 
ticipant Democracy, ’ ’ those who preferred to accomplish 
social and political change by persuasion and non-violent 
means, orthodox Socialists, hippies, Maoists, Commu- 
nists, Trotskyists, and an influential group that urged 
blowing up the Establishment first and worrying about 
replacing it later. Inexorably the organization was being 
divided into moderate and violent revolutionists. 

( 195 ) 


The League for Industrial Democracy looked aghast 
at the antics of its offspring; it had always opposed and 
resisted radical totalitarianism, and when SDS removed 
its ban against Communists, the parent bade it a firm 

After the founding conference at Lake Huron, SDS 
members returned to their respective campuses and em- 
barked on an ambitious campaign with the primary ob- 
jective of “radicalizing the students.” ( A Study in 
Marxist Revolutionary Violence : Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society, 1962-1969. By J. Edgar Hoover. Fordham 
Law Review, December, 1969.) 

During the next two years, most of the activities were 
in the Civil Rights and Community Project areas. After 
the Berkeley rebellion of 1964 and trips abroad to Com- 
munist countries by SDS members, the attention of the 
organization was shifted rapidly to violent demonstra- 
tions at one campus after another. This change was also 
accelerated, obviously, after the rescinding of the ban 
against Communists and the influx of new members 
whose ideas were far more radical. They demanded im- 
mediate and violent action, and their influence was con- 

Gerald W. Curt, undercover FBI informant, has testi- 
fied that he was admitted into the CPUS A, largely be- 
cause of the hard work he had done as a SDS member 
for the past several years. The Communists instructed 
him to remain in SDS and strive to gain an influential 

In 1968 SDS launched a nationwide campaign to radi- 
calize high school students. An underground newspaper, 
The Free Student appeared in May, and announced that 
it was being published as an underground organ by High 
School Students for a Democratic Society in the Los 
Angeles area “to unify high school students” and above 
the announcement was a picture of a clenched fist and the 
caption “resist”. This publication carried news from 
various high schools in the Los Angeles area and publi- 
cations issued by SDS indicated that this was one of its 
major projects in California. A Los Angeles regional 
newsletter carried an item entitled “SDS Summer in 
LA,” by Jim Fite, on page 1, stressing the need to orga- 
nize high school students and declaring that SDS chap- 



ters “should begin to prepare to relate to high schools in 
the Fall. The regional office, under the direction of high 
school SDS, should begin weekly classes with chapter 
representatives to produce a program for Fall high 
school work.” On October 13, 1968, the SDS National 
Council met on the campus of the University of Colorado 
at Boulder, and voted to stepup recruiting on high school 
campuses, plan demonstrations simultaneously in major 
cities and adopted resolutions toward those ends that had 
been prepared by Bernardine Dohrn, National Organi- 
zational Secretary, and John Jacobs and Jeff Jones of 
New York. ( Los Angeles Times, October 14, 1968.) 

In describing the rapid growth of SDS, J. Edgar 
Hoover wrote : 

“. . . A scant two years ago, few Americans had 
heard of Students for a Democratic Society. Today 
these initials are the trademarks of a movement whose 
members have developed into embittered vociferous 
revolutionaries who have ignited many campus in- 
surrections. They have nothing but contempt for this 
country’s laws. 

Here is a new type of extremism, an extremism all 
the more dangerous because it emanates from a group 
of young people (many of whom are highly trained 
academically) whose bitterness against this country 
is so intense that many of them want blindly to destroy 
without much (if any) thought as to what is to emerge 
from this destruction. Their ill will is guided more 
by whim than plan, more by cynical pessimism than 
by hope for a better future, more by the spiteful re- 
venge of the frustrated than by dedication to a noble 
cause. A type of youthful barbarism seems to have 
taken hold of this minority (SDS being an extremely 
small minority of our college generation). Danger 
arises from the fact that these people, in their hatred 
and anti-intellectualism, will cause great damage not 
only in the academic community but also in society as 
a whole.” (J. Edgar Hoover, Fordham Law Beview, 
op. cit., page 3.) 

The change of SDS from an organization of college 
youth, largely from upper-middle class families interested 
in civil rights and community projects, into a militant 



movement that has now become one of the most dangerous 
revolutionary threats to our national security is too obvi- 
ous to warrant additional comment by us. To recount all 
of the violent demonstrations SDS lias caused in Cali- 
fornia during the past two years woulcl be useless here; 
the press, TV and radio accounts have provided details of 
these occurrences. It is essential, however, to understand 
thoroughly that these revolutionary acts are fully sup- 
ported and encouraged by constant contact with foreign 
revolutionaries, and that despite internal fights there ap- 
pears no likelihood that the violence will abate during the 
coming months. 

New Left Notes is the official organ of the national SDS, 
issued from its headquarters at 1608 West Madison Street, 
Chicago. A few quotas from its columns will suffice to set 
the pattern of SDS plans. Thus the issue for August 12, 
1968 illustrates the utter contempt SDS exhibited at 
UCLA toward an official disciplinary body at that insti- 
tution, in its complete double standard of intolerance for 
the views of other student groups. SDS had been banned 
from all campus activities for tearing down what it de- 
scribed as “A racist display of pictures depicting war 
atrocities supposedly perpetrated by the National Libera- 
tion Front against the Vietnamese people. The display was 
put up by the Thomas Jefferson Club, a Right-wing patri- 
otic group on the campus. SDS ignored the disciplinary 
proceedings and refused to recognize the Board’s author- 

Bernardine Dohrn, inter-organizational secretary for 
SDS, was the author of an article entitled “Revolution 
in the Army,” which appeared on the front page of New 
Left Notes for January 22, 1969. Miss Dohrn was indicted 
with other SDS members recently by a Chicago Federal 
Grand Jury for alleged violation of the anti-riot law, in 
that she was charged with conspiring to foment violent 
disturbances in Chicago last October. Her article was an 
interview with two recently discharged soldiers who had 
served in Vietnam, and was a propaganda assault calcu- 
lated to foment disruption in our armed forces. 

On February 21, 1969, the paper displayed a photo- 
graph of a student raising his clenched fist in the Com- 
munist salute, which accompanied an article by Jeff Jones 
and Douglas Norberg entitled “Mission High Rebellion,” 



dealing with the student uprising at this San Francisco 
high school and praising the rebels, attacking the admin- 
istration and the police, and showing the results of the 
SDS program of indoctrination in high schools through- 
out the state and nation. Jones was one of those indicted 
with Bernardine Dohrn for conspiring to violate the Fed- 
eral anti-riot law. 

The Berkeley strike by racial minority groups was her- 
alded on the front page of New Left Notes for February 
28, 1969, with a picture showing one of the demonstrators 
throwing a cherry bomb at a store window and describing 
the overturning of police vans by rioting mobs on Febru- 
ary 20. 

New Left Notes for March 13, 1969, featured articles 
entitled “Mexican Movement Fights Continued Repres- 
sion,” by Bob Stewart, chairman of the Chicago Revolu- 
tionary contingent, and one entitled “L. A. Schools Blow 
Out,” the latter article reading in part, as follows: 

“Demanding an end to police occupation of the 
schools, more than 20 Los Angeles schools (including 
junior high schools, high schools, and junior colleges) 
‘blew out’ last week after police and students fought 
at Carver Junior High. 

The blow-out grew out of a week-old strike at all- 
Black Southwest Junior College in the southside 
ghetto. The newly-built ghetto school, hurriedly built 
after threatened actions by the Black community, 
obviously couldn’t meet that community’s needs for 
quality education. The Black Students Union (BSU) 
at Southwest called a strike March 7, demanding, 
among other things, a Black studies program and an 
end to the school’s racist practices. 

Forty-one of the 64 teachers formed a racist caucus 
and refused to teach as long as they were ‘intimidated’ 
by the Black students at the school. The remaining 
teachers organized a radical caucus and offered to 
teach ‘liberation classes’ called by the students. 

. . . The student government at LACC (Los An- 
geles City College), composed almost entirely of 
members of BSU, UMAS and SDS, turned over 
$92,000.00 in student body funds to the bail fund for 
the striking students. In a state of panic, President 
Gooder offered concessions to the strike committee. 



He offered to issue a public statement in sympathy 
with the Carver Junior High students and promised 
to ‘hum,anitarianize’ the police science department, 
the long range target of the LACC student move- 

In response to Gooder’s offer, the strike committee 
issued the following statement : In order to show good 
faith so that negotiations of campus and social issues 
might be won, we demand the following: 

I. All barricades remain intact by the order of’ 
the President. 

II. The College President and other administra- 
tors must join in the Peoples’ Cause and stand 
with the people on the barricades. 

III. The above stand as pre-conditions to negoti- 
ate existing demands. We find these terms 
necessary because of the long history of dis- 
honesty on the part of the administration.” 

In 1968 the Los Angeles regional office of Students for 
a Democratic Society, then located at 510£ Hoover Street, 
Los Angeles, issued a document signed by field secretaries 
Michael Klonsky and Paul Shinoff, announcing that SDS 
was planning a ten-day program, April 20-30, which 
would be coordinated with national and international 
anti-war activities. Enclosed with the announcement was 
a document entitled “SDS — Ten Days of Resistance, a 
Program for the Spring,” by Carl Davidson, former Na- 
tional head of SDS, and Greg Calvert, a member of the 
national committee. This document read in part: 

“SDS will initiate a call for a ten-day program of 
actions in resistance to the war in Vietnam, centering 
on the period of April 20-30. The action will be sub^ 
sumed (sic) under the title of ‘Ten Days to Shake 
the Empire,’ and/or ‘The International Weeks of 
Resistance.’ A variety of targets for direct action 
on and off the campus, as well as the tactics for deal- 
ing with them will be chosen, not only for their moral 
symbolism, but mainly for their effectiveness in de- 
veloping a more sophisticated political consciousness 
regarding the operation of American imperialism at 
home and abroad. Where possible and appropri- 
ate, financial and corporate industrial targets should 



be attacked, rather than a single aspect of imperialist 
repressiveness, such as the Selective Service System. 
This is essential if we are to develop a focus on the 
economic aspects of corporate capitalist imperialism. 
The cooperation of NACLA and other radical re- 
search groups should be solicited to help pinpoint 
these targets. 

The international aspects of the program should 
be developed I) through coordinated speaking tours 
by those who have travelled to North Vietnam and 
Cuba and, II) through encouraging anti-imperialist 
youth groups abroad (e.g. German SDS, French 
UNEF, Japanese Zengakuren, etc.) to plan direct 
action in their own countries to coincide with ours.” 

Visit of Karl Dietrick Wolff— German SDS 

In 1969 the Los Angeles regional office of Students for 
a Democratic Society announced that it would present 
Karl Dietrich Wolff, President of German SDS, on a 
speaking tour in this country. Among his engagements 
was one to appear at the regional office of SDS, then at 
619 South Bonnie Brae, Los Angeles, on the evening of 
Saturday, March 1. SDS, in German, stands for “So- 
cialistiches Deutsches Studentenbund, ” a loose movement 
of revolutionary sections much like Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society in the United States. The background of 
Mr. Wolff and his personality are intriguing. He was 
born on February 27, 1943, at Marburg, Germany, and 
visited this country as an exchange student during 1959- 
60, but only for a total of one year. He was President of 
the Socialist German Students Federation, a militant 
Left-oriented student organization, attended the Ninth 
World Youth Festival at Sophia, Bulgaria, is a colleague 
of Daniel Cohn-Bendit, one of the leading Socialist revo- 
lutionaries in Europe, and sat with the latter during his 
trial in West Germany in January of 1969. 

On his tour of this country, sponsored by Students for 
a Democratic Society, Mr. Wolff spoke at the following 
educational institutions and organizations: 

February 25, 1969: Western Washington State College, 
Bellingham, Washington, where he professed to be' 


a Marxist and attacked the United States as being 
run by fascists and imperialists. 

February 28, 1969: Radical Student Union, Berkeley 
campus, a recognized student orgnization. 

February 28, 1969: Glide Memorial Church, San Fran- 

February 28, 1$69: Stanford University. 

March 1, 1969: 80S Regional Office, Los Angeles. 

March 3, 1969: California State College, Los Angeles, 

March 3, 1969: Los Angeles City College, and during 
his speech on that occasion he referred to the Los 
Angeles Police Department as being composed of 

March 6, 1969: University of Colorado, Boulder, Colo- 

March 6, 1969: Arrived in Lansing, Michigan, under 
the name of W. Benjamin, on North Central Airlines 
Flight 974, and spoke that night at Wells Hall, Mich- 
igan State University. 

March 8, 1969: University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 
where he stated that his tour had been arranged by 
Bernardine E. Dohrn, national officer for Students 
for a Democratic Society, and stressed the necessity 
for forming an international revolutionary alliance. 

March 9 and 10, 1969 : University of Detroit and Wayne 
University, Michigan. 

March 11, 1969: George Washington University, Wash- 
ington, D.C. 

March 12, 1969: Columbia University, New York City. 

The United States Senate Subcommittee on Internal 
Security questioned Wolff on March 14 and 18, 1969, and 
on that occasion the attorney for the witness was Mr. 
Michael Tigar, formerly identified with radical organiza- 
tions at Berkeley and presently teaching law on the 
faculty of the Law School at UCLA. An example of 
Wolff’s incredible defiance, arrogance and insulting man- 
ner may be gathered by his answer to a single question, 
although his entire testimony was one of complete con- 
tempt for the Senate Subcommittee, and resulting in a 
situation that will make his return to the United States 
difficult indeed. The. question was: “Your name is Karl 
Dietrich Wolff?” The witness responded, “You Mr. Sena- 
tor, and your like, are just a bunch of criminal bandits. 



I have certainly not come here today to serve any of 
your dirty purposes. We know that we are not alone.” 
(Transcript of testimony, Senate Subcommittee on In- 
ternal Security, Washington, D.C., page 7.) 

Infiltration of Labor 

The Communist Party press during 1969 urged mem- 
bers of the CPUS A to infiltrate and agitate in the ranks 
of organized labor and large industrial organizations. 
This new directive was originally announced by Gus Hall 
and thereafter repeated in several issues of Political 
Affairs (Political Affairs, March, April, 1969.) 

The Communist newspaper, Daily World, for Thurs* 
day, April 24, 1969, page 6, carried an article entitled 
“Labor — Students Turn to the Factories,” by William 
Allan, and datelined Detroit. It read in part : 

“Hundreds of students this summer, sparked by 
Left-wingers on the campuses, including the DuBoiS 
Clubs and Students for a Democratic Society, among 
others, are lining up at factory gates for jobs. SDS 
has told its members to go into the shops and work 
for a student-worker alliance.” 

Throughout the summer of 1969 SDS members, haiT 
neatly cut, suitably dressed for the occasion, did apply for 
jobs in accordance with the new directive, but the effort 
was almost entirely unsuccessful. To begin with, orga- 
nized labor throughout the United States has always been 
wary of any organized group attempting to interfere with 
its structure and operation, and union officials had ample 
warning of the attempted infiltration. Industrial corpora- 
tions alerted their security facilities and took steps to 
resist the disruption of their activities, and a good num- 
ber of SDS members who had worked for several months 
at a respectible wage appeared to lose some of their revo- 
lutionary zeal and became more interested in performing 
their new jobs than in radicalizing their fellow workers. 
As a result, SDS has quietly withdrawn from this type 
of activity and has resumed its disruptive activities 
against university campuses, agitprop activities within 
the armed forces, violent street demonstrations, agitation 
among racial minority groups and a general campaign of 
subversive propaganda. As illustrated by the mob vio^- 


lence near the Santa Barbara campus of the University 
of California, following the speech by William Kunstler, 
and the blowing up of the Bank of America branch 
nearby, it became clear that instead of sending activists 
inside bapks and similar capitalistic organizations, the 
mob had decided upon more direct means by disrupting 
these institutions from the outside. 

An SDS' paper entitled “Work-In this Summer 
Against the War and Racism,” casts considerable light 
on this work-in experience: 

“This summer many of us will be getting jobs in 
offices, summer camps, factories and stores in various 
cities throughout the country. Most of us need this 
money to help pay for our college education or other 
expenses. But we also want to devote a lot of time this 
summer working to get the U. S. out of Vietnam and 
fighting racism. The need to have a job and the desire 
to do political work are not incompatible. We can, in 
fact, do both. 

Last summer a couple hundred radical high school 
and college students in Boston, New York, Chicago, 
San Francisco and other cities took part in what was 
called a ‘work-in’. Its aim was to use the situation of 
our jobs — a situation which brought students into 
close day-to-day contact with the working people — 
to put forward our ideas of the war in Vietnam, the 
ghetto rebellions and student demonstrations. We 
also wanted to learn in return whether or not work- 
ers are bought oft and impossible to talk to and also 
to learn how the majority of the American people 

Our experiences were generally good, and this sum- 
mer the work-in promises to be much larger. We felt 
that since workers make up the vast majority of the 
American people and since the draft, taxes, inflation 
and day-to-day job oppression weigh most heavily 
upon them, they can and must be reached and brought 
into the movement that aims at serious social change 
in America. The ‘work-in’ will give ug the chance to 
talk with working-class high school students whom 
we usually don’t get to know. Many of these ties 
could last into the school year and help us in our high 



school organizing. This summer the ‘work-in’ can 
help with community organizing projects by talking 
to people at work about it. 

We found that we had as much to learn from 
workers as we had to offer. We found that, although 
they were often racists and anti-Communists, they 
were also often knowledgeable about who runs the 
country and responsive to our ideas. We tried not to 
just spout off about our politics as if we knew it all; 
we avoided being stereotyped as the ‘ student with the 
crazy politics.’ Instead, we learned a lot by listening 
about the concrete situation at the plant or factory, 
and we tried to relate our ideas to the grievances 
people actually felt. For example, when workers 
complained from their lifelong experience that the 
boss didn’t give a damn about anything but profits, 
we asked how it was possible to believe that those 
same bosses had gone halfway around the world to 
Vietnam to help working people there. 

Those of us who worked-in last summer came away 
with many changed attitudes towards the workers. 
We decided that the problems of reaching them lie 
more within ourselves than with them, and that we 
must rid ourselves of attitudes of superiority. We 
felt that it was not a matter of figuring out how to 
talk to them — but of rooting our ideas in concrete 
realities of life. And as we did this, our own commit- 
ment to fight in the people’s interest was strength- 
ened. Now, when workers go out on strike, as tele- 
phone workers, sanitationmen, copper miners, and 
others have done recently, we see this not as a greedy 
attempt to get a larger slice of the pie, but as militant 
people fighting to get or keep a decent standard of 
living that is being undermined by the war, taxes, 
inflation, speed-up, etc. 

If you can’t work-in, it might be a good idea to go 
to summer school to keep in touch with large numbers 
of high school students. The work-in will also have 
various kinds of meetings, sometimes with speakers, 
that you could attend. Some support work (like leaf- 
leting) will be needed and starting this summer. The 
National High School Newsletter of SDS will start 
coming out again, with articles about high school or- 



ganizing, high school student experiences on the 
work-in, poetry, national and international politics, 

Get in touch with us for more information and also 
subscribe to the high school SDS newsletter. 

CONTACTS: Stephen Lippman, 11427 Waterford 
Street, Los Angeles, California 90049 
Stuart Rose, 50 Green Park, Newton, 
Massachusetts 02158.” 

The 1969 Chicago Convention 

At the Michigan State University Convention in 1968, 
the Progressive Labor Party almost gained control of 
the eleven-member National Interim Committee, which 
is actually the body that makes the decisions and sets the 
pattern for SDS action, assisted by the national officers. 
As we have explained, this incipient clash between the 
Maoists PLP and the rest of the SDS membership had 
been brewing for some time, and when the National Con- 
vention was held in Chicago during June 19-22, 1969, the 
all-out drive for power was launched by the PLP faction. 

National SDS secretary Mike Klonsky, before deciding 
on Chicago for the 1969 convention city, had complained 
about being turned down by the University of Chicago^ 
Southern Illinois University, University of Wisconsin, 
University of Buffalo and Cornell University. As matters 
turned out, it was well for the Klonsky group that the 
convention was finally held in Chicago, since that was the 
national headquarters for the organization, and of course 
the records and files of SDS were relatively secure in its 
national office. 

On Tuesday June 19, 1969 the convention opened in 
Chicago’s coliseum annex. Security guards wearing green 
arm bands barred reporters — though there were several 
who managed to slip in. After the one thousand delegates 
were called to order, the PLP commenced its factional 
activity. Hostility between the evenly-divided factions 
often provoked loud demonstrations, but the first pre- 
liminary contests were in the form of position resolutions 
and were won by PLP. Then came their criticism of the 
Black Panther activities, and the national officers of SDS, 
led by Mike Klonsky and his followers, walked out. This 



left the militant Maoist PLP members very little besides 
a half empty hall. Klonsky’s group unquestionably gained 
an advantage in that they retained possession of the mem- 
bership and mailing lists, official documents and financial 
records of the organization, although both factions elected 
officers under the SDS name. 

The Klonsky group elected Mark Rudd, Columbia Uni- 
versity, National Secretary; William Ayres, University 
of Michigan, Educational Secretary; Jeff Jones, San 
Francisco State, Inter-organizational Secretary; National 
Committee members were Mike Klonsky, Robert Avakian, 
Barbara Riley, Bernardine Dohrn, Knoll Ingiton, How- 
ard Matchinger, Corky Benedict and Linda Evans. 

The PLP group elected John Pennington, Harvard, 
National Secretary; Allen Spector, New York, Educa- 
tional Secretary; Patricia Forman, San Francisco State 
College, Inter-organizational Secretary; National Com- 
mittee members were Mike Golash, Sandy Meyer, Fred 
Gordon, Jarad Israel, David Russell, Ed Galloway, West- 
ley Lincoln and Becky Revis. (See: Human Events, July 
27, 1968 ; Los Angeles Times, June 7, 1969 ; San Francisco 
Examiner, June 19, 1969, June 24, 1969; Combat, August 
1, 1969.) 

Formal action was eventually taken to expel from SDS 
all members belonging to the Progressive Labor Party 
and their supporters, accusing them of opposing the Na- 
tional Liberation Front, disruption of the organization, 
positions contrary to those adopted by the SDS National 
office leadership, and because of criticisms made against 
the Black Panther Party and its activities. 

This action was taken after the Klonsky delegation had 
left the meeting place, and held its own gathering in an 
adjacent room. Thereafter some of them returned and the 
Resolution of Expulsion was read and elaborated upon 
by Bernardine Dohrn, SDS Inter-organizational secre- 

John Pennington, the new National secretary of the 
ousted PLP group, declared that his organization would 
be more militant than ever before, would back the Black 
Panther Party in its most violent activities, and declared 
that they would continue to function under the name of 
Students for a Democratic Society. We fully realize how 
extremely confusing it is to continually refer to the names 


of these subversive organizations that have proliferated 
so rapidly throughout our country during the last three 
years. As they factionalize, liquidate, create new fronts, 
and engage in forums, discussion groups, indoctrination 
schools, and splinter groups, the confusion is unavoidable. 
We have endeavored to make our references to them as 
clear as possible, but the circumstances will not permit us 
to do more than refer to them by their initials, occa- 
sionally using the full names in order to remove any 
doubt about the organizations to which we refer. Thus, we 
now come to still another split, the National Office Group 
led by Klonsky, taking its name from a song by Bob 
Dylan that contains the language “You Don’t Have to Be 
a Weatherman to Know Which Way the Wind Blows.” 
Klonsky ’s group is therefore known as the Weatherman 
faction, or Revolutionary Youth Movement I, while the 
ousted PLP members of Students for a Democratic So- 
ciety is now referred to generally among young revo- 
lutionary circles as Revolutionary Youth Movement II, 
or RYM I and II to distinguish the two organizations. 
The confusion is made more complicated by reason of 
the fact that each group persists in using the title Stu- 
dents for a Democratic Society, although the Klonsky 
group is more frequently being referred to as the Weath- 
erman faction, while the PLP dissidents that were ex- 
pelled are referred to simply as RYM II. We shall use 
these designations henceforth for the sake of whatever 
simplicity w r e may be able to achieve. There is, of course, 
a goal common to all of these subversive groups, Com-, 
munists, Trotskyists, Maoists, Black Panthers, Weather- 
man, PLP, RYM II and all the rest — and that is to ac- 
complish the overthrow of the government of the United 
States. This central objective never changes, which is the 
reason that no matter how antagonistic idealogically these 
groups may be toward one another, they will when the 
occasion justifies it, join together in a united front action 
against the common foe, to-wit: “The Establishment.” 
There is not the slightest doubt that SDS, split or not, 
still comprises the most grave and imminent peril to the 
security of the country, together with the Black Panther 
Party and scattered groups of fanatic revolutionaries. 



SDS Force and Violence 

In his statement before the House Subcommittee on 
Appropriations, April 17, 1969, J. Edgar Hoover, Di- 
rector of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, described 
some of the activities of the Students for a Democratic 
Society. He said: 

“The militant mood of the 1968 National Conven- 
tion of the Students for a Democratic Society was 
obvious from the subjects discussed and the sugges- 
tions made at its various workshops. For example, 
at a workshop dealing with sabotage and explosives, 
the participants discussed such things as disrupting 
Selective Service and police facilities during riots; 
mailing letters dipped in combustible materials ; 
flushing ‘bird bombs’ in toilets to destroy plumbing; 
using sharp, tripod-shaped instruments to halt ve- 
hicles; jamming radio equipment; firing Molotov 
cocktails from a shotgun; using electronic firing de- 
vices, and inserting ‘thermit bombs’ in manholes to 
destroy communications. 

The same militant mood was evident in suggestions 
made for a proposed pamphlet by participants in a 
workshop on self-defense and internal security. Sug- 
gested articles included starting rifle and karate 
clubs; infiltrating right-wing organizations; starting 
rogues galleries of police officers, and spotting plain- 
clothesmen by observing them as they testify in 

The 1968 SDS Convention also adopted a resolu- 
tion on the military. This resolution created a pro- 
ject for ‘G.I. Organizers’ and established a coordi- 
nating office for the project in New York. The 
project will support individuals who wish to con- 
tinue the ‘struggle against imperialism’ by entering 
the military service in order to ‘politicize’ and or- 
ganize those in military service to resist authority. 
The project has established ‘0.1. Drop-In Centers’ 
near military facilities in order to offer a political 
program to aid servicemen in their organizing efforts 
within the military. 

In addition, the resolution encourages local SDS 
chapters to organize a campaign to involve service- 



men in social and political activities; establish a 
military counseling service; provide support for de- 
serters, and give support to demonstrations and pub- 
licity to radicals within the military service,” 

Aipong the acts of violence listed by Mr. Hoover and 
attributed to SDS were the following: In September 
1968 within a five-day period, three ROTC establishments 
were sabotaged and a fourth threatened in diverse points 
across the nation. On September 13, 1968, Callahan Hall, 
the Naval ROTC building at the University of California 
at Berkeley, was damaged by explosives which caused an 
excess of $25,000.00 in damage. Two previous attempts 
were made to firebomb this building in 1968. On Septem- 
ber 15, 1968 several firebombs were thrown into the 
ROTC Armory at the University of Delaware damaging 
or destroying 300 military uniforms and public address 
system equipment. On September 18, 1968, a fire of un- 
determined origin caused extensive damage in Clark 
Hall, the Naval ROTC building at the University of 
Washington in Seattle. Prior to this date, members of 
the SDS at this University had announced the Naval 
ROTC unit as one of their targets. Furthermore, at the 
scene of the fire, Robbie Sterns, self-described SDS ac- 
tivist, was observed chanting, “this is number one and 
the fun has just begun; burn it down, burn it down.” 

In Storrs, Connecticut, a source reported that SDS 
was planning to blow up the ROTC building on Septem- 
ber 17, 1968 at the University of Connecticut, but the 
bombing attempt did not take place. On September 29, 
1968, the local CIA office at Ann Arbor, Michigan was 
bombed. Ann Arbor is the home of the University of 
Michigan where there have been numerous New Left ac- 
tivities the past several years. The New Left at the Uni- 
versity and specifically SDS has claimed credit for the 
bombing of this CIA office. On February 20, 1969, 
Michael Siskind, a student at Washington University, St. 
Louis, Missouri, an SDS member, on a plea of guilty in 
Federal Court in St. Louis, was sentenced to five years 
imprisonment in connection with charges stemming from 
the attempted firebombing of the ROTC headquarters on 
that campus, December 3, 1968. Between January 20 and 
January 28, 1969, high-power transmission towers were 



dynamited in and around Denver, Colorado. On February 
14, 1969, Cameron David Bishop, an SDS activist, was 
indicted by a Federal Grand Jury in connection with 
these incidents and is currently being sought as a fugi- 

Mr. Hoover added that it was coincidental that in 
June 1968 at the SDS National Convention one of the 
workshops dealt with sabotage and explosives. Many of 
those who attended the SDS National Convention re- 
turned to school in September 1968, and as noted previ- 
ously, acts of violence occurred early in that school year. 
The SDS continues to make available information re- 
garding the use of explosives. For example, at a National 
Council meeting of the SDS held in Boulder, Colorado 
from October 11, 1968, to October 13, 1968, copies of a 
pamphlet captioned “Sabotage” and setting forth in- 
structions on how to make firebombs and incendiary de- 
vices were left on the stage of the auditorium where the 
meeting was held. (Hoover testimony, op. cit., pages 
53, 56, 57.) 

In March 1970 a New York town house was destroyed 
by explosions and fire and a subsequent investigation dis- 
closed the body of a young man, identified as Theodore 
Gold, 23, a student at Columbia University and a member 
of the militant Weatherman faction of SDS. He had been 
crushed by debris and died of asphyxiation. Catherine 
Wilkerson was injured and taken alive from the prem- 
ises, and was also found to be a member of SDS. On 
November 16, 1967, she and three others — all SDS officers 
— left for Hanoi in a group recruited by New York anti- 
war activist David Dellinger. A police investigation led 
to the conclusion that experiments with high explosives 
had gotten out of control and caused the blast. 

In October 1969, violent riots occurred in Chicago, as a 
result of which indictments were handed down by a 
Federal Grand Jury in Chicago against Mark Rudd, 22, 
head of the Weatherman faction of SDS; Bernardine 
Dohrn, 27, Weatherman organizational secretary; Kathy 
Boudin, 26, William Ayres, 25, Jeffrey Jones, 22, Terry 
Robbins, 22, John Jacobs, 22, Linda Evans, 22, Howard 
Machtinger, 23, Michael Speegle, 23, Judy Clark, 21 and 
Lawrence Weiss, age unknown. All were said to be mem- 
bers of the Weatherman faction of SDS, and all were 



charged with conspiring to violate the Federal Anti-Riot 
Act in connection with the four-day disturbance last 
October. (See Los Angeles Times, March 10, 1970; April 
3, 1970.) 

With all of the available knowledge about the true 
character gnd activities of SDS and its two factions, it 
seems utterly incomprehensible to us that university ad- 
ministrators and the heads of high schools, junior col- 
leges and State colleges should continue to afford official 
recognition and campus status to this organization, pro- 
vide State owned facilities at taxpayers expense, while 
SDS goes about its business of revolution and its activi- 
ties in disrupting the campus, blowing up its buildings, 
terrorizing students who presume to disagree with its 
principles and propaganda and arrogantly defying all 















[_J\. REJOnAL 51 HoovEP- 
StuDEnts For J>£MocpAt'C Society 

ti-i vauc ' 

To the movement community: 

You may already know that SDS is planning a 10-day program, April 
20-30, which will be coordinated with national and International 
anti-war activities. At this very moment, Susan Eanet, one of our 
Los Angeles regional organizers, is In West Berlin at a conference 
planning the international strategy for the Ten Days program. Locally, 
the prgram is designed so that specific actions will come out of 
ongoing campus and community projects. For instance, a mass rally 
in central L.A. on April 27 will deal with the serious repression 
against the black movement and against anti-draft activists. 

The theme of the program is to be an attack against American im- 
perialism on all fronts. American economic and military domination 
of Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa, domestic imperialism 
in the black ghettoes as well as against Mexican-Americans and 
other minority groups, and the issue of the draft will all be focuses 
for rallies, teach-ins, guerilla theater actions and demonstrations. 
Educational actions are being planned both on the campus and In 
the community, with the main emphasis on reaching new people and 
building new bases for the rapidly growing anti-war movement. 

You may ask how you can Involve yourself in this project. First, 
you active participation in such actions as the April 27 march or 
in the teach-ins and rallies on the Third World can help build the 
large movement so desperately needed to end the war. Also, your 
contributions can support full-time orgalnizers actively involved 
in work at colleges, high schools and in working-class communities. 

Ws hope you will be able to do as much as possible to make this 
vital program a success. 

£>67 23 H5 

Yours truly. 

Natlonar“Tteld secretaries. 
Students for a Democratic 


I wish to actively participate in the Ten Days Program 
I would like to •®ntrlbute $ for the Ten Days 

I would like to •®ntribute $_ 






The Socialist Workers’ Party is an international Com- 
munist organization that was founded in 1938 by Leon 
Trotsky, whose real name was Lev Davidovich Bronstein. 
With Lenin he was a lfeader of the Russian Revolution, 
long before Stalin rose from his relatively obscure posi- 
tion as an organizer of riots. 

After Lenin’s death in 1924, Stalin, who by then was 
General Secretary of the Russian Communist Party, 
used his position to undermine and isolate Trotsky, driv- 
ing him from Russia to a Turkish exile in February, 
1929. ( Sialin : A Critical Survey of Bolshevism. By Boris 
Souvarine. Alliance Book Corp., N.Y. 1939, page 492.) 
There he was so hounded by Stalin’s agents that he was 
forced to France where he remained until 1936. During 
his stay, he laid the foundation for a world wide move- 
ment, and it may be accurately described as having its 
formal beginning at a constituent assembly of 21 follow- 
ers at Paris in 1938. (Souverin, op. cit. ; The Mind of An 
Assassin by Isaac Don Levine. Farrar, Straus and Cud- 
ahy, N. Y. Co., 1959 ; 1957 California Report, page 84 et 

The organization was, and frequently still is, referred 
to as the Fourth International to distinguish it from the 
Communist Third International directed from Moscow. 
Since the new movement was created in France, and since 
it was highly organized by Trotsky’s son, who remained 
there until he was assassinated, it is natural that France 
should become the principal base of operations. This will 
explain the visits of French representatives to SWP 
meetings in the United States, and frequent references to 
the French Trotskyists in SWP publications that we 
shall soon describe. 

Socialist Workers Party in America 

The CPUS A was created when, in 1919, the radical 
members of the American Socialists Party left after a 
stormy Chicago convention to form a separate group that 

( 216 ) 



would affiliate with the Russian Comintern. These turbu- 
lent gatherings are, as we have see#, characteristic pf sub- 
versive movements. Undermining, disruption, revolution- 
ary zeal and an obssessive urge toward power are pommon 
traits of the members, and undoubtedly contribute to 
these violent sectarian clashes. A recent example is the 
ouster of militants from the CPUS A, who thereafter 
pledged allegiance to Peking and formed the Progressive 
Labor Party. An even more recent illustration was the 
split in Students for a Democratic Society, and its divi- 
sion into the Weatherman and RYM II sects. 

The Socialist Workers’ Party, or Trotskyist Commu- 
nists, was formed in the same manner. When Leon Trot- 
sky was attacked by Stalin, those in the American Com- 
munist Party who defended him were ousted, and sought 
refuge in the Socialist Party. Then came the inevitable 
battle for control, and at a Chicago convention in March 
1937, the result was the ouster of the Trotskyists. James 
P. Cannon, leader of the SWP, has described the event 
as follows: 

“We called a meeting of the National Committee 
of our faction for June in New York, worked up the 
resolutions for our fight and organized it on a na- 
tional scale. They retaliated by wholesale expulsions, 
beginning in New York. I never saw more bureau- 
cratic and brutal violations of democratic rights and 
Party constitution than these pious Social Democrats 
resorted to when they found they couldn’t beat us in 
fair debate. They just framed us up and threw us 
out.” ( The History of American Trotskyism, Report 
of a Participant. By James P. Cannon, Pioneer Pub- 
lishers, New York 1944, pages 250-251.) 

After this expulsion the Socialist Workers’ Party was 
founded on January 1, 1938, and has continued to func- 
tion as one of the most militant of the Communist organi- 
zations in the United States, and is, as we shall show, 
more militant now than at any time in its history. 

At the time the Socialist Workers’ Party was born, 
Trotsky was at Coyoacan, near Mexico City, where he had 
been granted asylum by the Mexica# Government. But 
the hatred between Stalin and Trotsky was irreconcilable. 
Trotsky alive was a constant threat to Stalin’s power, 



and as Trotskyist groups were established in one country 
after another, the danger of counter-revolution loomed, 
as there were many Trotsky sympathizers in the Soviet 
Union, terrorized and silent because of the bloody repris- 
als that reached their climax in the purge trials and sub- 
sequent executions that had swept the Soviet Union prior 
to Trotsky’s exile. From his sanctuary at Coyoacan, the 
old Bolshevik continued his criticism of the Stalin re- 
gime, wrote his tracts and directed his far-flung organi- 

On August 20, 1940, Trotsky was assassinated by Ra- 
mon Mercader, an agent in the Communist Secret Police. 
(Levine, op. eit.) Several American Communists pre- 
viously mentioned in our reports, participated in the 
scheme to engineer and finance Mercader ’s escape from 
prison in Mexico, but the attempt was abandoned when 
the prisoner made it clear that he felt much safer in his 
cell. We have given this background not alone because 
it is essential to an adequate understanding of the SWP, 
but also because it provides a grim example of the under- 
ground Communist intrigues that are so far removed 
from the knowledge of the average Americans that unless 
amply supported by incontrovertible evidence appear in- 
credible and are discredited. Of course, the Communist 
propaganda machine plays a powerful role in this regard. 

Organization and Publications 

The very title of this Trotskyist Communist group, 
Socialist Workers’ Party, is deceptive. On radio and TV 
programs the spokesmen for and members of this ex- 
tremely revolutionary movement are usually referred to 
as Socialists, when in truth they regard the CP USA 
as being too mild, and elect to follow the guerrilla war- 
fare ideology of the Red Chinese far more closely than 
the mandates of the Moscow-directed movement. They 
operate under strict discipline, maintain their global con- 
tacts, support Castro, and implement the Trotsky-Maoist 
theory of permanent revolution. 

The adult SWP maintains its headquarters at 873 
Broadway, New York 10003. The youth division, known 
as the Young Socialist Alliance, has its national office at 
the same address. In California SWP offices are situated 
at 1702 East Fourth Street, Los Angeles, 2338 Market 



Street, San Francisco, and 2519-A Telegraph Avenue, 

The Militant is the SWP’s official paper. It is generally 
regarded in counter-subversive circles as more readable, 
better edited and published in a far more impressive for- 
mat than the CPUSA’s Worker and Peoples World. It 
is issued weekly, usually comprises 12 large pages, and 
sells for 15 cents a copy or $4.00 for a yearly subscrip- 

The Young Socialist Alliance publication is, or was, 
The Young Socialist. It is issued monthly except during 
the summer and sells for 25 cents a copy, 15 cents at 
newsstands, or $2.00 per year. In December 1969, it was 
decided to cease its publication because the magazine- 
type, profusely-illustrated organ was proving too expen- 
sive. But as this report is being written, it is yet too early 
to state definitely whether the four-page paper, Young 
Socialist Organizer , will permanently replace it. 

In addition to The Militant, Young Socialist and 
Y oung Socialist Organizer, the SWP has issued the usual 
barrage of tracts, leaflets and booklets, some of which are 
reproduced herein as exhibits. Additional coverage is 
gained by running SWP candidates for public office, with 
publicity over the communications media that would not 
otherwise be available. 

Militant Labor Forums 

The Socialist Workers’ Party has conducted these 
forums in California for many years, usually at SWP 
headquarters, but occasionally in public facilities when 
the occasion demands a large audience. We shall make no 
effort to summarize more than a few, selected because 
they will serve to corroborate some of the statements we 
have heretofore made. 

Ralph Schoenman was the featured speaker at the 
Forum held at 1702 East Fourth Street, Los Angeles, on 
J anuary 19, 1968. He was formerly secretary to Bertrand 
Russell, and during his remarks described the revolution- 
ary situation in Bolivia where he had recently visited. 
He told the audience of almost a hundred people that he 
had been ousted by that country for radical activity, and 



repeatedly declared that an armed revolution was neces- 
sary in the United States, and that a Black uprising 
should be the prelude to a general violent White revolt. 
He sharply criticized Moscow-oriented Communist par- 
ties and suggested a reprisal list of public officials in the 
United States for retaliatory liquidation. Among his lis- 
teners on this occasion were Oscar Coover, Sharon Han- 
din, Mike McCabe, Arley Dann, Arthur Hopkins and 
Ron Ridenour. The attendance of these people at SWP 
functions with great regularity has often been noted. 

On March 1, 1968, Mike McCabe, who also served on 
the Student Mobilization Committee, in addition to his 
duties as a SWP officer, spoke to a group of forty on the 
subject of “International Youth Radicalization. ” The 
other leading activists in the Southern California So- 
cialist Workers ’Party who usually attend these Militant 
Labor Forums are Joel Britton, William Hathaway, 
Theodore Edwards, Oscar Coover, Pete Seidman, David 
Frankel, Max and Shevy Geldman, and Victor Dinner- 

Mike McCabe addressed thirty-eight persons at the 
Forum held on March 1, 1968. On January 31, 1969, the 
featured speaker was Shermont Banks, then an officer in 
the Black Panther Party for the Los Angeles area. 

C.P.-S.W.P. Rivalry 

The Trotskyists (SWP) have run their own candidates 
for public office, as was seen in our discussion of the 
Peace and Freedom Party. During the last National 
campaign, Fred Halstead and Paul Boutelle of New 
York were the candidates for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent of the United States. They were endorsed by the 
following California supporters who were affiliated with 
the Young Socialist Alliance: Vic Dinnerstein, Califor- 
nia State College at Los Angeles; Ernie Erlbeck, Lanea 
College ; Susan Montauk, Merritt College ; Linda Richard- 
son, Oakland High School; Dan R. Petter, Santa Bar- 
bara; Irvin H. Sutley, Jr., Sonoma State College; Anita 
Hansen, San Jose; John Maynes, San Francisco Poly- 
technic High School; Jim Miller, San Francisco City 
College; Kathie Harer, San Francisco State College; 


Arnie Egel, University of California at Berkeley; John 
Montgomery, Yuba College and John Gray, Los Angeles. 
(SWP campaign leaflet, “Endorse the Halstead-Boutelle 

The Militant, Friday, February 7, 1969, page 16, car- 
ried an article that further demonstrated the political 
rivalry and independence that exists between CPUS A 
and the SWP in running separate slates of candidates 
for public office. The article, entitled “Socialist Slate To 
Run In Berkeley Elections,” by Lauren Charous, not 
only describes the Berkeley campaign but also gives an 
authentic background of some of the candidates: “The 
Socialist Workers’ Party announced the candidacy of 
Peter Came jo, Antonio Came jo and Pat Wolf for the 
Berkeley City Council and Froben Lozada for a seat on 
the Berkeley School Board.” 

Some of the campaign issues, dedicated to the creation 
of strikes and travels to Cuba by SWP members, is de- 
scribed in the balance of the article as follows: 

“The campaign will help build mass support for 
the current strike led by the Third World Libera- 
tion Front and American Federation of Teachers, on 
the San Francisco State College campus and at the 
University of California at Berkeley. It will also aid 
in mobilizing support for the G. I.-Civilian Anti-war 
March planned for April 6. 

Froben Lozada, who the Berkeley Gazette calls a 
‘firebrand’ in the TWLF movement throughout the 
Bay area, is a Chicano educator and activist. After 
obtaining his M. S. in Spanish, he spent several years 
teaching at Highlands University and the all- White 
University of Southern Mississippi. He was fired be- 
cause of his civil rights organizing amongst students 
at Southern Miss. 

He moved North and taught at the University of 
Wisconsin at Oshkosh, and in 1967 went to South 
Texas where he was employed in the public schools. 
Again, his anti-war and civil rights activity in the 
Chicano community led to harassment and loss of 
job. With the help of the American Civil Liberties 



Union he was able to win his job back. Most recently 
he has been teaching at Napa College, in addition 
to his active role in the TWLF movement in the Bay 

Peter Camejo, a SWP candidate for Mayor of 
Berkeley in 1967, is a former National Secretary of 
the Young Socialist Alliance and a member of the 
National Committee of the SWP. 

Peter Camejo, who is currently in Cuba, sent a 
message of solidarity to be read at the press con- 
ference on behalf of the Cuban people to the Black 
and Third World Liberation Fighters in the U.S. 

Pat Wolf, 24, is a member of the Young Socialist 
Alliance. He has been active in the anti-war move- 
ment since its start, helping to found the Vietnam 
Day Committee at the University of California. He 
was a volunteer worker for the Delano Grape Strike 
and is an active member of the American Federation 
of State, Count, and Municipal Employees, Local 

Antonio Camejo, 27, is a long-time member of the 
YSA. He was active in the Fair Play for Cuba Com- 
mittee, has toured Latin America interviewing rev- 
olutionary leaders for The Militant and other radical 
publications, and in 1964 he helped produce and 
direct a documentary film on the guerrillas struggle 
in Venezuela, ‘FALN\ 

He is a member of the Executive Council of the 
Berkeley AFT (American Federation of Teachers) 
Local 1078 and has been active in building the 
TWLF strike on the Berkeley campus.” 

There is a widespread tendency to scoff at the part 
ideology plays in these Marxist groups, just as there is 
a tendency to denigrate such subversive battle devices as 
the united front and the diamond infiltration pattern. But 
the bloody feud between Stalin and Trotsky sowed seeds 
of hostility between the Moscow-line Communists and 
Trotskyist Communists the world over, the results of 
which are still evident and, as we shall see, rapidly be- 
coming more bitter. And because France is still symbolic 
of the Trotskyist base, we find such representatives from 



that country as Yves Sallese, a leader of the French 
Jeunesse C’ommuniste Revolutionaire, who visited the 
United States for the purpose of attending the Young 
Socialist Alliance convention in Chicago, November 28- 
December 1, 1968, and then came to California a few 
days later. During a KGO radio interview in San Fran- 
cisco, he announced that he was an “observer” at the 
violent student rebellion at San Francisco State College. 
Sallese is a French high school teacher and one of the 
officials of the Jeunesse Communist e Revolutionare , 
which was described in Young Socialists for December, 
1968- January, 1969, page 8, as “The French Counterpart 
of the Young Socialist Alliance.” 

In connection with his Berkeley campaign, Peter 
Camejo wrote a booklet entitled “PFP (Peace and Free- 
dom Party) for SWP (Socialist Workers’ Party) in 
1968 — A Critical History of New Politics in Berkeley.” 
In it he stated that ‘ 4 The Communist Party is faced with 
a serious problem. After working for three decades in 
the Democratic Party, it is difficult for them to shift 
over to support a ‘lesser evil,’ Eepublican, should the 
Democrats renominate Johnson,” and he added that the 
Communist Party “looks yearningly to a ‘third ticket’ 
coming out of the Peace Movement.” 

The final word concerning the CPUS A attitude toward 
the Trotskyists in the United States, and for the rest 
of the world, for that matter, came with the appearance 
of an article in the March 1970 issue of Poltical Affairs, 
page 38. Here was a clear and unmistakeable directive 
from Moscow, written by A. Basmanov, which established 
the Party line as follows: 

“The activities of the Trotskyites in the capitalist 
countries never seems to flag. Their efforts to influ- 
ence the youth of France and Japan, their constant 
intrigues in the Latin American countries, are doing 
serious damage to the revolutionary struggle. In ad- 
dition, they proliferate fabricated propaganda ma- 
terials, which the bourgeois press then quickly accepts 
and publicizes.” 



In further describing the activities and ideological na- 
ture of the SWP, Basmanov continued : 

“Trotskyism does possess a certain tenacity be- 
cause its ultra-Left views accord with the sentiments 
of sections of petty-bourgeois intellectuals of declassed 
elements, and various adventurers. Trotskyism does 
adapt itself to such sentiments. Besides, the experi- 
ence of class struggles shows that Leftism often comes 
as a reaction to the ‘original sin’ of Right-wing Social 
Democracy, rejecting revolutionary forms of class 
struggle. The leaders of Trotskyism themselves do not 
conceal the fact they hope to find their support among 
the extremist petty-bourgeois elements. And the lat- 
ter, who as a rule are ready to denounce capitalism in 
words, are at the same time inclined to reduce all 
forms and methods of struggle against capitalism to 
adventurism alone. 

“Here and there the Trotskyites operate in the same 
environment as the groupings of Mao Tse-tung’s sup- 
porters. During the last years’ student actions in 
France, for instance, the Trotskyites and the Maoists 
actively helped each other, inciting the youth with 
equal zeal to rashness and violence. The Trotskyites’ 
alliance with the pro-Maoist organizations is also to 
be observed in some of the Latin-American countries.” 

“. . . Trotskyites try their best to penetrate first of 
all into youth organizations, and to do this by playing 
on the political immaturity of some of the youth, who 
in addition, have only a very vague notion of Trot- 
skyism and its true aims. They adapt themselves to 
the moods of youth and flatter it, calling it the most 
‘radical wing of the movement.’ As was pointed out 
in the theoretical organ of the Communist Party of 
Great Britain, Marxism Today, the Trotskyites con- 
stantly root about among teenagers, assuring them 
that ‘the revolution is around the corner’ and only 
they, the Trotskyites, have the true ‘revolutionary 
program. ’ . . . they continue to do everything in their 
power to undermine the Communist movement and 
to befuddle at least part of the petty-bourgeois sec- 
tions of the populations and student movement. 



That is why the true representatives of the interests 
of the broad anti-imperialist movement, the Commu- 
nist and Workers Parties, carry on an acute, irrec- 
oncilable struggle against Trotskyism. That is why 
they continually expose the Trotskyites as enemies of 
the working-class movement, showing their anti-revo- 
lutionary nature and unmasking their methods of 
fostering subversive activity. ” (Our emphasis.) 

After this denunciation from the highest authority, we 
doubt very much if there is any further collaboration be- 
tween these two militant branches of the world communist 
movement, the CPUS A and the SWP. What the article 
failed to state, however, is that the activities of SWP in 
penetrating youth movements and fomenting violent dem- 
onstrations and revolutionary activity is equally charac- 
teristic of the CPUS A. 







SPtClill LFtCIRL SPLtlfil 





1st & 3rd FRIDAYS 

M// tfc ak on: 


Students. UnemDlo*ed S .35 


Was in Bolivia from July through 
Nov., 1967, as part of the Commission 
of Enquiry sponsored by the Russell 
Foundation to help defend Regis 
Debray, the French journalist who was 
with Che Guevara in Bolivia 

Interviewed Debray in prison and 
attempted to speak at Debray’ 3 trial - 
was arrested and dooorted to United 
States in November. 

Is presently preparing work on a 
commission on crimes against tho 

American people 

ANgelus 9 4953 








1702 E. Fourth St., Los Angeles Donation $1.00 

sponsor; Young Socialist Alliance 




December 1968 — January 1969 25< 







Negro Americans 

In 1956 we held an open hearing in Los Angeles to 
examine Communist efforts to infiltrate and control Ne- 
gro organizations, particularly the National Association 
for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Dur- 
ing the hearing much documentary evidence was received 
and we were fortunate in having the testimony of two 
experts. They were William Byron Rumford, then a 
California State Assemblyman from Alameda County, 
and Franklin H. Williams, an attorney from Palo Alto, 
who served as administrative officer for the NAACP, 
with jurisdiction over the then Territories of Alaska and 
Hawaii and the States of Oregon, Washington, Arizona, 
Utah, Idaho, Nevada and California. Mr. Rumford, a 
highly respected legislator, had been an NAACP officer 
for many years. 

These witnesses had observed the Communist infiltra- 
tion efforts closely. They provided abundant evidence 
that the attempt had failed. The NAACP is by far the 
largest Negro organization in the United States and 
represents the sentiments of the vast majority of our 
Negro citizens who, despite abuses, discrimination and 
frustrations, have steadfastly opposed the use of violence 
as a means to rectify their condition. 

Said Mr. Williams : 

“It was at the Sixth World Congress of the Com- 
munist International in Moscow that the Party af- 
fected an interest in the Negro, which was to mani- 
fest itself in a prosegregation resolution in the year 
1930. That resolution reads in part: 

‘The main Communist slogan must be: the right 
of self-determination of the Negroes in the Black 
Belt. Complete right of self-determination includes 
also the right to government separation . . . the right 
of the Negroes to governmental separation will be 
unconditionally realized by the Communist Party 
. . . the Communist Party must stand up with all 

( 229 ) 



strength and courage for the struggle to win in- 
dependence and for the establishment of a Negro 
Republic in the Black Belt.’ 

Thereafter, the entire Party apparatus began to 
grind out tons of propaganda on ‘Negro self-de- 
termination.’ Responsible Negro leadership within 
the NAACP and those heading up respected church, 
labor and fraternal organizations saw easily through 
this not even thinly-veiled alien replica of our home 
grown racial segregation. They rejected this prop- 
osition with the same vigor as they were fighting 
indigenous Jim Crow. 

Undaunted by the Negroes’ rejection of Commu- 
nism and his faith in American democracy, the Party 
stepped up its efforts to recruit our largest minority, 
capitalizing fully upon the tragic depression years 
and the generally deplorable condition of civil rights. 

Seeking to alienate Negroes from their leaders, 
particularly those who would not be seduced by the 
‘United Front,’ NAACP officials, churchmen and 
labor leaders were denounced as ‘bourgeois reform- 
ists,’ ‘tools of the capitalists,’ and ‘allies of the lynch- 
ing forces.’ ” 

Mr. Williams then proceeded to discuss the problems 
his organization had experienced in California, referring 
to cases where, with callous hypocrisy, the Communist ap- 
paratus milked every major case where the Negro had 
become embroiled with the law in some serious offense, 
draining the incident of every vestige of its propaganda 
value and then completely ignoring the individual in- 

Within the past two years this propaganda and agita- 
tion drive has been increased enormously, using the Peace 
Movement, the war in Vietnam, civil rights, courses in 
Black studies at our educational institutions, and a long 
series of non-negotiable demands, for the purpose of 
arousing the most susceptible elements of the Negro mi- 
nority to violent action against the government. 

There can be no doubt that this accelerated campaign 
has succeeded in some degree, but it has utterly failed 
to reach the Negro minority as a whole, and while space 
does not permit us to discuss this problem in depth, we 
will devote the main portion of this section of our report 



to the most militant of the Negro organizations, the Black 
Panther Party, and some of the smaller but equally 
dangerous groups. 

The Black Panther Party 

Originally known as the Black Panther Party for Self- 
Defense, this organization was formed in Oakland in 
October 1966, and thereafter branches were established 
in large urban centers throughout the United States. Its 
members carried rifles on city streets, usually dressed in 
black berets and leather jackets, and soon moved from 
defense to attack. On May 2, 1967, a group of Panthers 
startled the members of the California Assembly by shov- 
ing their way past guards and invading the chamber 
while the Assembly was in session. The invaders carried 
a variety of weapons, and said they had staged their 
dramatic trespass to register their protest against pend- 
ing legislation to restrict possession of firearms. Twenty- 
six of them were arrested and booked on a variety of 

Eldridge Cleaver, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale 
were the prime movers of this organization. Its objec- 
tives were mainly to keep track of police activities and 
protect the Negro population from law enforcement agen- 
cies. Soon they were stockpiling supplies of weapons and 
ammunition, patrolling streets and acting as an armed, 
guerrilla force. 

After the invasion of the State Assembly, the incidents 
between police and Panthers rapidly grew to grim pro- 
portions. At the same time the Panthers, few of whom are 
employed, were able to send their representatives to Cuba 
and other foreign countries for indoctrination and train- 
ing, to publish a newspaper and other propaganda ma- 
terials, and to amass formidable supplies of arms, ammu- 
nition and explosives. 

The United States was divided into seven Panther 
regions, with numerous national and local divisions and 
officers. Discipline is rigid, but members are provided 
with living expenses, legal services, and medical care 
without cost. Since no Panther will disclose the member- 
ship strength of the national organization or the local 
unit to which he belongs, we can only estimate the total 
population of the organization. A safe guess would put 



it at approximately 25,000. Clearly, a great amount of 
money is needed annually to finance these purchases, ac- 
tivities, travelling expenses and services. There is sub- 
stantial evidence concerning the various sources from 
which these funds are procured, but since several of them 
are currently under intensive investigation, it is not ap- 
propriate that we should discuss them here. One of the 
sources is obviously the front organization known as 
Friends of the Panthers, and which we shall soon ex- 

As the Panthers became more boldly militant and vio- 
lated the law with growing contempt, police raids and 
arrests increased proportionately and thus the battles 
between law enforcement agencies became more frequent. 
The news media have reported these confrontations and 
killings of participants on both sides in lurid detail and 
there is no use of our repeating them here. By mid-1968 
the Panthers were financially troubled, their leaders had 
been slain, convicted or fled the country, and the deci- 
mated organization was beginning to flounder. At that 
time there was no organization such as Friends of the 
Panthers through which legal aid and financial assist- 
ance was forthcoming, but there was a growing indica- 
tion that the CPUS A was becoming interested in the or- 
ganization, particularly when the Peace and Freedom 
Party had one of its Northern California meetings en- 
dorsed the Panther program. 

Peace and Freedom Party Candidate 

The Peace and Freedom Party announced that it would 
run Eldridge Cleaver as its candidate for President of 
the United States. Despite several attorneys who held 
offices in the Peace and Freedom Party, no one had 
bothered to find out whether or not Cleaver was eligible 
for the position. The California Secretary of State 
checked with us, and learned that Cleaver was two years 
shy of being thirty-five, the age required by Article II of 
the United States Constitution as a prerequisite for be- 
coming President of the United States. 

After the arrest of Huey Newton and Cleaver and the 
latter’s flight from this country, legal aid and financial 
assistance was quickly materialized through the Newton- 
Cleaver defense committee. Many of its sponsors have 



records of pro-Communist activity, and it was interesting 
to note that whereas the Panthers were originally ori- 
ented toward the Maoist-Communist line, thereafter the 
organization moved steadily toward the CPUS A. Pan- 
thers had faithfully carried the little red plastic-covered 
books of Mao’s thoughts and attended classes to learn 
about Red Chinese Communism and guerrilla warfare. 
But with aid channelled to the Panthers through the 
Newton-Cleaver defense committee, the little book of 
Maoism vanished and the first evidence of Panther hos- 
tility toward the Maoist Progressive Labor Party and 
Socialist Workers’ Party became evident. 

From Peking to Moscow 

The Panther’s swing from Peking to Moscow was also 
seen in the new white advisers and associates that came 
to the aid of the organization. As the CPUS A publica- 
tions pointedly geared their propaganda in support of the 
Panthers, a new attorney undertook to defend them in 
the courts. He was Charles R. Garry, a San Francisco 
lawyer who was admitted to the state bar in 1938. He was 
identified as a Communist Party member by the testi- 
mony of Dr. Jack Patten, who appeared before the 
House Committee on June 19, 1957, and stated that he 
and Garry were members of the highly secret profes- 
sional section of the Communist Party in San Francisco. 
When subpoenaed and questioned about his affiliation, 
Mr. Garry invoked the protection of the Fifth Amend- 
ment. When not under oath, he has since denied that he 
was ever a member of the Party. Garry was a candidate 
for election to the Congress of the United States on the 
Independent Progressive Party ticket in 1948. The IPP 
was a forerunner of the Peace and Freedom Party, and 
solidly controlled by the Communist apparatus in Cali- 
fornia. Garry was also connected with the Communist 
school in San Francisco and the International Workers’ 
Order, a potent Communist Front. His partner, Benja- 
min Dreyfus, has also been identified as a Communist. 

Friends of the Panthers 

The Friends of the Panthers in Southern California 
was created from the older Newton-Cleaver defense com- 



rnittee in 1969. At that time the Panthers still clung to 
their Maoist orientation, evidenced by their continued 
collaboration with the Progressive Labor Party and the 
Socialist Workers’ Party. After the Friends of the Pan- 
thers began to provide counsel and cash, however, this 
collaboration ceased and was replaced by a marked ani- 
mosity between the Panthers and the pro-Maoist groups. 
Even as late as April 13, 1969, Bobby Seale addressed a 
Friends of the Panthers meeting at 400 West Washington 
Boulevard, Los Angeles and announced that a Chinese 
Maoist organization in San Francisco known as the Red 
Guards had endorsed the Panther program. At this same 
gathering Donald Freed announced that the CPUS A, 
Southern District of California, had contributed $100.00 
to the Friends of the Panthers. 

This was the first important meeting of the new ad- 
junct organization, attended by 550 persons. Donald 
Freed was master of ceremonies, and, as will be shown, 
at subsequent meetings of the Friends of the Panthers, 
he was always a passionate advocate of violent revolution 
and the use of explosives and guerrilla warfare. Freed, 
who had taught at San Fernando State College and 
UCLA, described the Panthers as The Black Shock 
Troops of the Revolution — the Black revolt by guerrilla 
tactics on their part would soften up the country for the 
mass revolt that would come later. 

In October 1969, Freed and Mrs. Shirley Sutherland 
were indicted by a Federal Grand Jury in Los Angeles 
for conspiracy to purchase grenades, alleged to have been 
intended for use by the Panthers. Mrs. Sutherland re- 
sided at 1144 Tower Road in Beverly Hills. In July 1969, 
when officers went to this address to make arrests, Mrs. 
Sutherland was away. But they did find Odis N. Grimes 
and Arthur D. League, both wanted by the FBI, the 
former for harboring a fugitive and the latter for the 
murder of a Santa Ana police officer. Freed and Mrs. 
Sutherland were subsequently released on a technicality. 
Freed’s play, “The US v. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg,” 
has been appearing in Cleveland, and is scheduled to open 
in New York. It is an account of the prosecution of 
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, executed as Soviet espionage 
agents after having been convicted of supplying classified 
information to a foreign power. 



Friends of the Panthers Meetings 

On May 17, 1969, a meeting of the Friends of the 
Panthers was held at the First Unitarian Church in Los 
Angeles, 2936 West Eighth Street, at 8:40 a.m. There was 
a heavy attendance of about 120 people, among whom 
were included Raymond Masai Hewett, then chairman of 
the Los Angeles Black Panther Party; Donald Freed, 
then chairman of the Friends of the Panthers; Bernard 
Hirsch, chairman of the Friends of the Panthers Political 
Education Committee ; Charles Brittin, chairman of Pub- 
lic Relations, Barbara Brittin, his wife; Rose Chernin, 
heretofore mentioned as executive director of the Los 
Angeles Committee for Defense of the Bill of Rights; 
Fred Wheeler and others who contributed financially for 
the assistance of the FOTP, and who were to participate 
in its future activities. 

Raymond Hewitt spoke for approximately 30 minutes 
during which he attacked Ron Karenga and his militant 
Negro following, and Donald Freed spoke during the 
afternoon session and predicted an armed revolution. A 
schedule of political education classes was announced; 
Mondays at 4072 Glenalyn Street, Los Angeles ; Tuesdays 
at 722 Adelaide Place, Santa Monica; Wednesdays at 
1169 South Mullen Avenue, Los Angeles, and at 5752 
Tobias Avenue, Van Nuys; Thursdays at 2720 South 
Raymond Avenue, Los Angeles, and Fridays at 9017 
Columbia Avenue, Sepulveda. A week or so later, the 
classes at the Glenalyn and Columbia Avenue addresses 
were cancelled. 

On May 23, 1969, a meeting of the FOTP was held at 
1235 East Portner Street, West Covina. Twenty-five peo- 
ple were present, and at the meeting Donald Freed de- 
scribed the effectiveness of guerrilla hit-and-run tactics, 
diversionary raids, and the advisability of studying texts 
on the use of explosive devices. Freed added that non- 
violent people, as he described them, who might be 
squeamish about inflicting direct violence upon the per- 
sons of others, could serve in the disruption of power 
stations, transformers, water mains, telephone lines and 
similar facilities. 

On May 24, 1969, an FOTP executive committee meet- 
ing was held at 1169 South Mullen Avenue, Los Angeles. 
The meeting started shortly after 2.00 p.m., and lasted 



until approximately 5:30 p.m. There were about 36 per- 
sons present, among whom were Donald Freed, Elaine 
Brown, Edward Medard, Barbara Brittin, James Cook- 
son and Bernard Hirsch. One of the highlights of this 
gathering was an interesting statement made by Barbara 
Brittin to the effect that the Culver City Police Depart- 
ment was offering courses on the use and care of firearms, 
and she urged all FOTP members to attend the classes in 
line with the security aspect of the organization. She as- 
serted that these classes were given in the basement of 
the Culver City Police Station, that the pistol course in- 
volved 12 classes of three hours each, running from 7 to 
10 in the evening, at a cost of $12.00 per student. She 
gave specific directions on the method of applying for the 
course and correct answers to the questions that might be 
asked. Edward Medard disclosed that he was also taking 
the course at the Culver City Police Department and 
agreed with Mrs. Brittin in advocating that other members 
of the organization enroll. 

Upon receiving this information, we communicated 
with the Culver City Police Department, and received its 
complete cooperation. It corroborated the fact that Bar- 
bara Brittin, 31 years of age, 722 Adelaide Place, Los 
Angeles 90042, attended the class in April 1969. It also 
provided the information that Ed Medard, 27, 21 Thorn- 
ton Avenue, Venice, attended the class in May 1969, and 
stated he had been persuaded to take it by Barbara Brit- 
tin. Information from the personnel of the Police De- 
partment disclosed that Medard endeavored to draw the 
instructor into volunteering statements concerning police 
practice with regard to shooting incidents. It was also 
revealed that after Mrs. Brittin and Medard had com- 
pleted the course, the police department received a sud- 
den increase in applications, many of whom were Negroes. 

On June 28, 1969, the FOTP held another meeting at 
the First Unitarian Church in Los Angeles, commenc- 
ing at 10 in the morning and ending at 4 in the after- 
noon. About 60 people were present, approximately 16 of 
whom were members of the Black Panther Party, the 
FOTP being almost wholly comprised with white mem- 
bers. This meeting was preliminary to the very important 
United Front Against Fascism gathering in Oakland, 
scheduled for July 18-21, 1969. Among those present 



were Raymond “Masai” Hewett, Elaine Brown, Dorothy 
Healey, Nemmy Sparks, Robert Duggan, James Berland, 
Ron Warren, Ed Pearl, Milton Zaslow, Mike Yueff, Ron 
Ridenour, Bernard Hirsch, Donald Freed, Charles and 
Barbara Brittin. The presence of Dorothy Healey, Nem- 
my Sparks and Robert Duggan, heretofore mentioned 
as prominent Communist functionaries, lends added sup- 
port to the evidence of Communist manipulation and 
control of the Black Panther organization, through one 
of its characteristic front organizations, Friends of the 
Panthers. At this function Mrs. Brittin handled the 
registration desk, while her husband was busy photo- 
graphing people both inside and outside the meeting 

Ron Warren introduced Donald Freed, who made his 
usual fiery speech predicting violent action after July 
19, and then yielded the platform to Raymond Hewett 
who praised the Students for a Democratic Society for 
cleaning house and ousting the Maoist Progressive Labor 
Party element, and he upheld the distribution of the Pan- 
ther coloring book with its savage pictures of the killing of 
law enforcement officers. We have reproduced some pages 
of this book as exhibits in connection with this section 
of the report. Hewett specifically attacked the Progres- 
sive Labor Party, and announced that Panther attorney 
Charles R. Garry would be a member of the United 
Front Against Facism, Steering Committee, that popular 
Communist device for maintaining control of an or- 

United Front Against Fascism, Oakland, July 18-21, 1969 

By July 1969 the Panthers had almost completed their 
amazing switch of allegiance from Peking to Moscow. 
The little red books on Maoism had all but vanished; 
only rarely did the Panthers appear armed and uni- 
formed in public. And now they even adopted Georgi 
Dimitrov’s classic united front tactic, that tried and 
highly successful Communist strategy. In The Black 
Panther as far back as May 31, pages 12 and 13, was a 
reprint of Dimitrov’s famous speech on this device, 
printed in connection with the Call for the United Front 
Against Fascism meeting at Oakland scheduled for July 
18-21, 1969. Excerpts from the speech were also printed 



and the official notices of the gathering called by the 
Black Panther Party. On the last page of the Call, a 
list of individual sponsors appeared. They were: David 
Hilliard, Stu Albert, Kathleen Cleaver, Bobby Seale, 
Tom Hayden, SDS; Dr. Philip Shapiro, Dr. Carlton 
Goodlett, Rav ‘‘Masai” Hewett, Charles R. Garry, Bill 
Kunstler, Roosevelt Hilliard, Emory Douglas, Bob Rush, 
SDS leaders. Black Panther Party, and the Interna- 
tional Liberation School. 

It will be noted that the Socialist Workers’ Party 
(Trotskyists) and Progressive Labor Party (Maoists) 
were not included as sponsors, nor were they permitted 
to send delegates or take any active part in the confer- 
ence. They did, however, have some “observers” at the 
sessions who were treated most inhospitably. 

Each delegate was assigned a code number for iden- 
tification and security purposes, an information head- 
quarters was established at 3106 Shattuck Avenue, 
Berkeley, which is the national headquarters for the 
Black Panther Party. 

Tom Hayden, founder of SDS, collaborated with 
Bobby Seale in putting this United Front meeting to- 
gether. But as matters turned out, it was far from united. 
SDS had recently waged a political battle which split it 
asunder and ousted the Maoist PLP element. The old 
antagonism between the CPUS A and SWP Trotskyists 
was becoming more heated, and the rivalries between 
the many groups of the New Left soon became apparent 
as the conference proceeded. 

On Thursday July 17, the delegates registered at St. 
Augustine’s Episcopal Church in West Oakland, and the 
first meeting was held in Oakland Auditorium at 7 :00 
p.m. on Friday July 18, with about 2,500 delegates, ob- 
servers and others in attendance. The official agenda 
scheduled a showing of a motion picture at Merritt Col- 
lege, 59th and Grove Streets, Oakland, and meetings at 
Oakland Auditorium and DeFremery Park, which the 
Panthers renamed the Bobby Hutton Memorial Park, 
Hutton having been killed in the same shooting con- 
frontation with police at which Eldridge Cleaver was 
wounded in April 1968. 

After everyone had been thoroughly searched for con- 
cealed weapons and tape recorders, Raymond “Masai” 



Hewett opened the meeting on Friday and introduced 
Edward Keating, founder of Ramparts Magazine. Bobby 
Seale, Panther chairman, then spoke at length and with 
considerable restraint as contrasted with his customary 
emotional addresses, liberally sprinkled with vulgarities 
and quotations from Mao Tse-tung. Dr. Carlton Goodlett 
was the next speaker, and urged local control of law en- 
forcement agencies. In previous reports we have referred 
to Dr. Goodlett ’s affiliation with a variety of Communist 
Fronts and activities, including the CPUS A school in 
San Francisco. Two years previously he went to the 
Island of Cyprus World Peace Conference with Herbert 
Aptheker, father of Bettina Aptheker and one of the 
top CPUS A theoreticians, who has often spoken on Cali- 
fornia campuses. 

Aptheker was, perhaps, the most prestigious speaker 
at the entire affair, although William Kunstler was cer- 
tainly the most dynamic. Aptheker is not a particularly 
stimulating speaker, tending to be academic and dry. His 
attack against the FBI and its director was applauded, 
but as he went on and on some sections of the audience 
became impatient and intolerant during some of his more 
pedantic passages and booed him loudly. 

The first session concluded with a Womens’ Panel. 
Participants included Roberta Alexander, former activist 
in the Communist DuBois Club at the Berkeley campus 
of the Universtiy of California, where she was arrested 
during the invasion of Sproul Hall in December 1964. 
At that time she resided at 2231 Grant Street, Berkeley 
and since has moved to Los Angeles. (1965 California 
Report, page 103.) 

The afternoon session at the DeFremery Park was the 
scene of fist fights between Panther security personnel 
and PLP and Trotskyists who tried to circulate propa- 
ganda leaflets. One of the most essential requirements for 
the Dimitrov United Front is that it be united, and as 
the program continued this element began to wane. At 
the Park the controversy and ejection of dissidents di- 
verted attention from the regular program where the 
theme was “Students and Education v Fascism” and the 
scheduled speakers were Nathan Hare and Roger Alva- 
rado, controversial figures during the disturbances at 
San Francisco State College. The morning meeting at 



the Auditorium was chiefly concerned with the panel on 
organized labor, headed bv Roscoe Proctor, California 
member of the CPUS A National Committee. Other par- 
ticipants were Archie Brown, Veteran California Com- 
munist, Andy Chavez, from the United Farm Workers’ 
Organizing Committee; Robert Avakian, member of the 
Weatherman faction of SDS and leader of the extremely 
militant Revolutionary Union in the Bay area; Noel Ig- 
natian, SDS National Committee member, and Kenny 
Horston, Black Panther member. 

In the Auditorium on Saturday evening, the topic was 
Political Prisoners and was well-received. Participants 
were Jeffrey Jones, SDS Organizational Secretary, 
Elaine Brown, heretofore mentioned in connection with 
the Friends of the Panthers in Los Angeles, Nan Cox, a 
Panther Field Marshal, and Black Panther attorney 
Charles R. Garry. The featured speaker for the confer- 
ence, and by far the most fiery, was New York lawyer 
William Kunstler, counsel for the Chicago Seven and 
whose speech at Santa Barbara recently was followed by 
a frenzied student demonstration that caused great dam- 
age, many arrests and personal injuries. Kunstler spoke 
of the theft of 40 M-l rifles at Plainfield, New Jersey, 
during the uprising there in 1967. He added that since 
the theft only one white police officer had been seen on 
the Plainfield streets. His meaning was plain and re- 
ceived with enthusiasm. 

On Sunday July 20 there were programs at the park 
on Peoples’ Health v. Fascism, Religion v. Fascism, and 
American Servicemen v. Fascism; the showing of a film 
at Merritt College and a final session at Oakland Audi- 
torium on Decentralization and Community Control of 
Police. Participants on the discussion on Religion and 
Fascism were Reverend Earl Neil, of St. Augustine’s 
Church in Oakland, and Reverend Eugene Boyle from 
Sacred Heart Church in San Francisco. There was also 
a program on Peoples’ Health v. Fascism, led by Dr. 
Philip Shapiro, a founder of the Panther Medical Ad- 
junct Group and a sponsor of the conference. 

The Sunday session in the Auditorium featured a slide 
film description of the mechanics of organizing commun- 
ity petitions for the purpose of assuming control of local 
police departments. Narration of this portion of the pror 



gram was by Bobby Seale and Peter Franck, Franck be- 
ing a well-known Bay area Civil Rights attorney. 

After several unimportant speeches, Seale made the 
address that closed the meeting. He called for unity of 
all radical and militant organizations, which evoked calls 
asking about the summary exclusion of the Maoist Pro- 
gressive Labor and Trotskyist groups. By this time it had 
become evident that the CPUS A was solidly in control 
of the conference. The presence of so many high officials 
from the Communist Party who participated actively 
in proceedings, together with many others who did not, 
was enough to establish this fact. There was also the 
exclusion of the major groups that were ideologically 
opposed to and rivals of the CPUS A, together with the 
abrupt ideological swing by the Panthers from Maoism 
to the Moscow line. 

Seale was forced in a new role by following the CP 
strategy which is more subtle than was the previous 
Panther program. Consequently he urged circulating 
petitions urging control of police, which drew incredulous 
protests from the most militant delegates. He anticipated 
the charge of Communist domination, and denied it, but 
subsequent contacts with those who attended the con- 
ference, both as delegates and observers, indicated that 
his protests were not convincing. 

At the Trotskyists’ Militant Labor Forum in Los An- 
geles on July 25 1969, Joel Britton (not to be confused 
with Charles and Barbara Brittin), stated that the entire 
affair was poorly organized and badly run. Britton, who 
is SWP organizer for the Los Angeles region, said that 
when Herbert Aptheker spoke he received a standing 
ovation from his supporters, and estimated their number 
at about 300, and that toward the end of the speech the 
boos, according to Britton, came from observers and the 
more aggressive elements among the delegates. 

In the New Worker in July 1969, an article written 
before the Oakland conference by M. I. Laski was headed 
“Right Wing Communists Run Anti-Fascist Show.” It 
stated that: “The call is out from one end of the country 
to the other. There will be an Anti-Fascist Conference 
called for in Oakland the weekend of July 18. The cat is 
out of the bag, or more appropriately, the cat is in the 
bag now. What cat % The Black Panther, what else ! What 


bag is it in ? The Right-Wing Communists headed by Gus 

Four months after the Oakland meeting an article 
praising the Black Panthers was published in Political 
Affairs. Written by William L. Patterson, a top CP offi- 
cer, it established the official Communist Party position. 
“The Panther Leadership,” wrote Patterson, “recognized 
that it faced a Herculean task. But the task had to be 
faced. It declared itself a Marxist-Leninist Political 
Party, not realizing fully that so far-reaching a declara- 
tion did not ipso facto bring the objection sought to frui- 
tion. The Panther leaders grasped at and embraced the 
doctrines of Mao Tse-tung and the present leadership of 
the Chinese Communist Party. They failed to realize that 
Mao and his supporters were all for the go-it-alone idea 
which experience was forcing the Panthers to repudiate. 
They did not recognize that Maoism was a denial of the 
historic role the Panthers were beginning to attribute 
to the working class. ’ ’ 

Referring to the United Front Against Fascism Con- 
ference at Oakland, the article continued, stating that: 
“While only three years in the libertarian struggle, the 
Black Panther Party issued a call for a United Front 
of Struggle Against Fascism — basing itself on the call 
made by George Dimitrov in 1935 at the Seventh Con- 
gress of the then existing Communist International.” 
Then the article concluded: “The Panthers now have 
organized contingents in approximately 33 States. At 
the present they are in the center of police attacks. J. 
Edgar Hoover, the Fascist-minded head of the FBI, calls 
the Panthers the most dangerous organization in the 
New Left. That is some evidence of their importance. 
The membership of the Communist Party should stand 
in the forefront in defense of the Black Panthers. While 
conducting a dialogue with the Panthers on the differ- 
ences that exist between us, this must not stand in the 
way of solidly supporting the efforts of the Panthers 
to defeat racism and bring about unity of the Black and 
White working class. For we know that racism feeds 
Fascism. The destruction of racism leads to a decisive 
defeat of Fascism.” ( Political Affairs, November 1969, 
page 7 at pages 11, 12, 13.) 



Attorney William Kunstler stumps the country speak- 
ing at campuses and preaching his creed of violent action 
against the Establishment, and as he exhorts the 
Black Panthers by telling them how police were intimi- 
dated in the New Jersey community, and with the new 
Panther campaign to gain control of local police agencies 
and render them impotent by harassment, assassinations 
and political pressure, the plan was clear. It would be use- 
less for us to attempt any description of the psychotic 
hatred for all law enforcement officers that exists in the 
Panther organization. It simply defies description, but 
some of the exhibits presented herewith will serve better 
than words to convey that condition. 

The Panthers are being controlled by the CPUS A to 
serve as its shock troops on the front line of the revolution. 
Since the Oakland meeting, new and more sophisticated 
security measures have been adopted to prevent infiltra- 
tion of the organization by counter-subversive agents. At 
the same time a Mafia-like vengence threatens all members 
who cooperate with law enforcement agencies. 

Larry Powell and his wife Jean have disclosed to Fed- 
eral authorities the life of horror they spent as Panthers 
— the assassination plots against police and informers 
alike, and the underground “Black Guard” originally 
credited to Robert F. Williams three years before the 
Panthers were organized. Powell himself was a member, 
and described the assignments of killing and bombing as- 
signed to members of this underground unit by the Black 
Panther officials. ( Senate Internal Security Subcommittee 
transcripts on Riots, Civil and Criminal Disorders, Wash- 
ington, D.C.) 

Robert F. Williams and the Revolutionary Action Movement 

The Revolutionary Action Movement was founded at 
Detroit by Robert F. Williams in 1963. At first confined 
to New York City and some of the Southern states, the 
organization spread its inflammatory propaganda through- 
out the country with deadly effect. A handbook on Guer- 
rilla Warfare, written by Williams, has been widely used 
by Black Activists, and his publications have been carried 
by Communist bookstores including the Progressive Book- 
store in Los Angeles. 



Williams served in the Marine Corps, and was ousted 
from his position as President of the NAACP chapter in 
Monroe, North Carolina, when he found it too pallid for 
his purposes and engaged on a program of violence. In 
1960 he travelled to Cuba, and in August of the following 
year was indicted on a charge of kidnapping. Without an 
American passport, and a fugitive from justice, Williams 
established his headquarters in Havana, where he pub- 
lished his propaganda organ, The Crusader, a publication 
which he had started in 1958, and he made radio broad- 
casts over the Cuban short-wave radio facility and called 
his program Radio Free Dixie. Having been active in the 
Communist-dominated Fair Play for Cuba Committee in 
this country Williams was well received in Cuba and met 
with delegations of American student revolutionaries who 
came to that country. He finally became disillusioned, 
however, his popularity faded, and he left for Peking in 
1966 where he continued publishing The Crusader. A 
study of the language in this tract as published in Cuba 
with the style seen in previous issues strongly indicates 
that at least some of the contents were written by other 
people. Several issues contained explicit instructions for 
sabotage and guerrilla warfare. Thus the issue for Feb- 
ruary 1964, stated : 

“The weapons of defense employed by Afro-Ameri- 
can Freedom Fighters must consist of a poor man’s 
arsenal. Gasoline fire bombs, lye or acid bombs can be 
used extensively. During the night hours such weap- 
ons thrown from roof tops will make the streets im- 
possible for racist cops to patrol. Hand grenades, ba- 
zookas, light mortars, rocket launchers, machine guns 
and ammunition can be bought clandestinely from 
servicemen anxious to make a fast dollar. Freedom 
Fighters in military camps can be contacted to give 
instructions on usage. ’ ’ 

In The Crusader, Vol. 10, No. 2, Summer, 1969, marked 
“Robert F. Williams, 1 Tai Chi Chang, Peking, China, 
this language appears on Page 17 : 

“Recently, in many cities of the world we have 
witnessed a limited application of urban guerrilla 
warfare or street combat. In these mere skirmishes 
we have been given some idea of the colossal poten- 



tial of what could really happen, and how, in such a 
conflict. Conventional military science and tactics can 
be rendered ineffectual by massive peoples war. The 
poor man’s arsenal of light arms and home-devised 
weapons can wreak havoc on a nation. Extensive dis- 
bursal of combatants makes it impossible for repres- 
sive forces to concentrate the necessary power to 
quell the resistance. When thousands of Freedom 
Fighters fan out over a city in a campaign of ob- 
struction and destruction, paralysis prevails. A sali- 
ent feature of this type of conflict is that all of its 
destructive action takes place on the enemy’s own 
premises. Both offensive and defensive combat ex- 
tract a heavy toll from the Establishment. A govern- 
ment no matter how tyrannic cannot wage an exten- 
sive war of attrition against its own citizenry without 
indulging in self-destruction. Less than 10% of a 
given population can bring a highly mechanized and 
industrialized tyranny to its knees in a surprisingly 
short span of time. If the 10% is well organized and 
devoutly committed to all-out urban guerrilla war- 
fare. Urban guerrilla warfare does not mean that the 
countryside is completely neglected; it means that 
most mass activity would be concentrated in urban 
communities because most of the population is there. 
It means the rural campaigns would be conducted on 
the basis of targets being selected out of the dictates 
of necessity, over-all strategy and diversionary tac- 
tics. ’ ’ 

We have an original copy of this publication, the front 
cover if which is reproduced as an exhibit. In addition, 
one of our covert agents entered into a correspondence 
with Williams while he was in China and we reproduce a 
letter from him in his handwriting dated April 23, 1968. 

During his absence from the United States, Williams’ 
Revolutionary Action Movement was conducted by others, 
and carried out the founders’ precepts diligently. In Feb- 
ruary 1965 RAM members were apprehended before 
they could carry out a plan to blow up the Statue of 
Liberty and the Washington Monument; in June 1967 
sixteen RAM members were arrested for plotting the 
assassination of Negro leaders Roy Wilkins and Whitney 
Young, who have been steadfast representatives of the 



majority of Negroes and have counseled against the use 
of violent methods; in September 1967 four RAM mem- 
bers were arrested in a plot to poison police and govern- 
ment officials in the event of widespread rioting. 

In August 1969 it was announced that Williams would 
shortly return to the United States, but there was some 
difficulty in finding an airline company that would agree 
to book his passage. Having been deprived of his Ameri- 
can passport, travel was difficult and some surprise was 
occasioned when it was learned that the State Depart- 
ment had issued an American passport to him and a few 
days later he boarded a TWA flight for the United States. 
The only passengers were Robert F. Williams and his at- 

Having returned to this country, Williams professed 
a change of heart regarding the use of violence, stating 
that he had determined after experiences in various Com- 
munist countries that it was better to concentrate on edu- 
cating the races to live harmoniously together and to work 
to improve the plight of his people. There is excellent 
authority to indicate that Williams has already been de- 
briefed by both the CIA and the FBI, and that he has 
also given testimony in a closed session of the Senate 
Internal Security Subcommittee. 

Obviously, official agencies will regard Williams state- 
ments with much suspicion, but if he has indeed disclosed 
what he could tell about meetings with delegations to 
Cuba, about activist groups and the flow of money and 
propaganda from abroad to revolutionary activists here — 
the story would not only be sensational but of immense 
aid in the effort to stem the tide of guerrilla warfare 
that now threatens our security. 

Ron Karenga 

Ron Karenga leads a group known simply as US, its 
headquarters being located at 7228 South Broadway, Los 
Angeles. Having attended the University of California in 
Los Angeles, Karenga still has a following there in mem- 
bers of his US group. During the past two years a bitter 
factional struggle has arisen between Karenga ’s follow- 
ing and the Black Panthers at UCLA over control of the 
Black Student Union, a loose coalition of Negro students 
that varies greatly according to the conditions existing at 


the institution where units of the organization are lo- 
cated. It has no central control organization, and at some 
institutions the membership is reasonable and moderate, 
and members have volunteered to help suppress violent 
demonstrations; other units are extremely violent, and 
have been the leaders in some of the most violent rebel- 
lions we have yet seen. All are, of course, dedicated to 
improving the status of the Black minority. 

Although small in size, members of the Karenga US 
have repeatedly demonstrated their militancy. On Friday, 
January 17, 1969, two Black Panther members, John 
Huggins and Alprentice Carter were in the Campbell 
Hall cafeteria on the UCLA campus. Both men were 
students, enrolled in a special “high potential” program, 
restricted to Black and Mexican- American students. In a 
heated dispute with US members, the two Panthers were 
killed by gun fire. One of the alleged assailants, George 
Philip Steiner, was also enrolled in the “high potential” 
program, and with his brother Larry and three other 
US members was indicted on charges of murder and 
conspiracy. Two of the five defendants were convicted, 
and a third was recently sentenced for bank robbery. 

Ron Karenga has expressed a desire for conciliation 
with the Panthers — but negotiations between the two 
Black organizations ceased after the wounding of Pan- 
ther Ronald Freeman in Los Angeles on March 14, 1969, 
an assault attributed by his fellow members to the 
Karenga group, and which has served to widen the 

Mike Laski and the CP-(M-L) 

Michael Isaac Laski organized a Marxist study group 
at UCLA when he was a student there in 1960. Before 
leaving in 1962 he was on the editorial board of an inde- 
pendent socialist journal called Inquiry, the first issue of 
which appeared on September 17, 1962. Other members 
of its editorial board were Arnold M. Hoffman, Robert A. 
Manning, Ronald Ridenour and Doctor Councill S. 

In 1964 Laski was organizing Negroes and indoctrinat- 
ing them with Maoist Communism, particularly in the 
Watts area of Los Angeles County. After the riots at 
Watts in August 1965, his recruiting and indoctrination 



activities were greatly accelerated, accompanied by a 
vicious propaganda attack against the Los Angeles Police 

Like the Progressive Labor Party, Laski’s group was 
too radical and impatient for the CPUS A and conse- 
quently formed its own organization in September 1965, 
which they named the Communist Party, (Marxist- 
Leninist). Headquarters were established at 1313 East 
Firestone Boulevard, Los Angeles and thereafter Laski 
became a familiar figure at rallies and demonstrations 
throughout the state, especially on college campuses. He 
possessed boundless energy, was an excellent organizer, 
but was highly emotional both on and off the podium. He 
incurred the enmity of many radical groups, and finally 
it even included his own, and he was ousted summarily 
from the organization he founded and ran for several 
years. But that didn’t stop Laski. After he was expelled 
in June 1968, he immediately started the United Front 
(Marxist-Leninist) and opened a new headquarters at 
11858 South Main Street, Los Angeles. He had edited two 
papers for the old organization, Peoples Voice and Red 
Flag. The new organization issued a paper called the 
New Worker in 1969, which he also edited. The United 
Front (M-L) offices consist of a main office, several 
smaller offices, a gymnasium where karate and other 
forms of self-defense are taught, a library, a kitchen and 
sleeping quarters. The walls are covered with pictures of 
Marx, Engels and Mao Tse-tung and large posters of life 
in the Chinese People’s Republic. There are ample sup- 
plies of Red Chinese propaganda in the library, including 
the ubiquitous little red books of Mao’s thoughts. Ray- 
mond “Masai” Hewett was a disciple of Laski’s before 
becoming an official in the Black Panther Party, which is 
some indication of the fact that although small in num- 
bers, Laski’s United Front (M-L) is nonetheless dili- 
gently at work turning out a fanatically violent activist 
cadre, mostly Negroes, schooled in the Maoist techniques 
of guerrilla warfare and permanent revolution. 
















EXHIBIT III— Continued 


















JULY 18, 19, 20, AND 2Ur 



CONFERENCE REGISTRATION FORM (back page) _ m1l . 1TA ry off campus. 

3106 SHATTUCK AVE. BERK. CALIF. '94705°"’'*’ 






EXHIBIT V— Continued 





VOL. 10 - No. 2 

SUMMER 1969 


That nation which insists on a society of law and order without 
giving prior attention to justice arbitrarily demands submission to 
tyranny. Such a government, consequently, must be prepared to 
enforce its demands with a precipitous brute force that ultimately 
decays and errodes the very pillars on which its security rests. The 
more coercion and repressive force a government is inclined to 
unjustly use against a sector of its population the wider the area of 
conflict will become, until finally it unwittingly succeeds in isolating 




1 Tai Chi Chang 
Peking, China 
April 23, 1968 



Dear Brother 

Your letter of March 21 has been received, and as 
usual it was good hearing from you. Thanks a million for 
the support. I will keep you informed. Things are not 
clear enough yet. I am trying to get some other things 
arranged so I will know where I stand. 

I am glad to know that you are in touch with Brother Green- 
wood, I count him as one of my reliable friends. 

The Martin Luther King affair should have really left 
no doubt in our people's minds as to where its really "at", 
as far as we are concerned. It is a certain thing that the 
man is even opposed to moderate and non-violent struggle for 
Black rights in the racist U.S.A. King's case offers a 
strong arguement for seperation. The situation now calls 
for unshakable unity and massive organizational work. 

Yours for Black Liberation, 



The Brown Berets 

The Brown Berets, a militant Mexican youth organi- 
zation, was started in 1967 by David Sanchez, Carlos 
Montez and Ralph Ramirez under the title of Young 
Citizens for Community Action. The name was later 
changed to Young Chicanos for Community Action, and 
finally to the Brown Berets. For a while, during the early 
stages of the organization, it was little more than a group 
of young Mexican-Americans determined to improve the 
lot of their people and to have some place where they 
could meet and discuss their problems. For a short time 
they had such a center at Father John Luci’s Episcopal 
Church of the Epiphany at 2808 Altura Street, Los An- 
geles. As the organization attracted more members and 
adopted a more militant stance, larger quarters became 
necessary and a central office was established at 318 North 
Soto Street. Thereafter it moved to 4715 East Olympic 
Boulevard, 2641 East Fourth Street, and to 3045 East 
Whittier Boulevard in Los Angeles. 

While the organization was gathering momentum in 
1968, it preferred to hold itself aloof from the other more 
obvious Marxist radical groups. When invited to par- 
ticipate in the Liberation University courses, David San- 
chez stated that while some members might wish to do so, 
the Brown Berets as an organization could not partici- 
pate because it might alienate much of its broad-based 
community support, which, among the Mexican- American 
population of Los Angeles, was dominantly conservative. 

The headquarters on Soto Street were distinguished by 
a bright yellow front and the sign “Brown Beret Head- 
quarters” prominently displayed. Across the street and 
a few doors away was the headquarters of the Mexican- 
American Social Service, headed by Delfino Varela, whom 
we have heretofore described as the former head of the 
Zapapa section of the CPU'S A in Los Angeles and who 
for many years has been an active figure on its Mexican 
Commission. We should mention, also, another organiza- 
tion that is now active in California and other Pacific 
southwest states, the Southwest Council of La Raza (The 
Cause), the jurisdiction of which comprises the states 
of Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico and Texas. 
It is administered by a Board of 26 and its president 
is Maclovio Barraza. Mr. Barraza has been identified by 



the Subversive Activities Control Board as a member of 
the Communist Party, and presides over the Council 
which recently received a grant of $1,300,000.00 from the 
Ford Foundation. Funds channeled through the Council 
for La Raza are intended to be used for the improvement 
of the general conditions of the Mexican-American mi- 
nority. According to an editorial in the Arizona Daily 
Star, “Some Ford Foundation money has been spent in 
staging marches designed to stir up Mexican-American 
youth, and in financing campaigns against such persons 
as Rep. Henry Gonzales of Texas, whose Mexican-Ameri- 
can credentials are of the highest order. In other words, 
troublemaking and devisiveness, plus efforts to grab eth- 
nic-group power have been the aims of those using the 
Ford Foundation money.” Headquarters for the South- 
west Council of La Raza is at Phoenix, Arizona, but its 
principal activity is concentrated at Los Angeles, San 
Francisco, and Austin, Texas. The operation of this large 
and well-financed private concern, with a Communist at 
its head, obviously exerts a powerful influence on the 
Mexican-American minority throughout its domain in- 
cluding the Brown Berets ( Tucson Daily Citizen , March 
23, 1960 ; Arizona Daily Star , March 23, 1970 ; Subversive 
Activities Control Board Proceedings and Records, Doc- 
ket No. 125-62.) 

The Soto Street headquarters was much like that occu- 
pied by Laski : front offices, library, a large meeting room 
and gymnasium. But there was no lavish display of Mao- 
ist propaganda, with the exception of posters lauding the 
late Ernesto Che Guevara and Fidel Castro. The Soto 
Street headquarters was occupied for approximately one 
year after the creation of the Brown Berets, and about 
the time that it commenced its collaboration with most of 
the radical front organizations in Southern California, 
accepting aid from the Los Angeles Committee for the 
Defense of the Bill of Rights, which we have heretofore 
described, and operating in particularly close cooperation 
with the Black Panthers. 

In addition to Che Guevara and Fidel Castro, another 
militant Mexican figure has aroused widespread support 
among the Berets. He is Reies Lopez Tijerina, who led a 
guerrilla band in an assault on the village of Tierra Am- 
arilla and the Courthouse in New Mexico in June, 1967. 



He had been expelled from Mexico in 1964 because of his 
radical activities in that country. Tijerina has made sev- 
eral visits to California, and was a featured speaker at a 
rally in East Los Angeles College Stadium at an affair 
sponsored by the Peace Action Council on October 15, 
1967. With him was another prominent Mexican activist, 
Rudolf o “Corky” Gonzales, who also spoke. 

On November 5, 1967, Gonzales was billed as the feat- 
ured speaker at a fund-raising banquet for the Peoples * 
World, but approached the rostrum in a somewhat antag- 
onistic mood after being compelled to wait for almost 
three hours “while other speakers and entertainers glori- 
fied the Soviet Union’s 50th Anniversary and begged end- 
lessly for money to support the Old Left newspaper.” 
(Barraza, Nov. 15, 1967, page 6.) 

The speaker declared that while financial support would 
be welcomed from the other radical organizations, the 
Mexican-American Revolutionary Movement must make 
its own decisions and evolve its own ideology. But with 
the passing months, and with the appearance of the 
Brown Berets, more and more representatives of the 
Mexican-American Left appeared at Comunist front 

On Wednesday evening, August 21, 1968, a special meet- 
ing was held in Channing Hall, First Unitarian Church, 
Los Angeles, to plan a demonstration against the Los 
Angeles Police Department. Two members of the Brown 
Berets attended this affair in uniform. There were 210 
people present, and the chairman was Irving Sarnoff. 
Among the others present were Rose Chernin, Mike Mc- 
Cabe, William Hathaway, Harold Schultz, Nemmy 
Sparks, Pierre Mandel, Mike Yueff, Jerry Palmer and 
Ron Ridenour. 

Two days later a meeting of the Committee on Latin- 
American Solidarity was held at the office of the Peace 
Action Council, 555 Northwestern Avenue, Los Angeles. 
Chairman was Irving Sarnoff, and among those who at- 
tended were Rauel Ruiz, Editor of La Baza, recently re- 
turned from Cuba. A former priest, Blase Bonpane, who 
had been expelled from Guatemala for radical activities, 
acted as translator on this occasion. 




In 1968 the Brown Beret headquarters moved to a new 
location at 2641 East Fourth Street, Los Angeles, which 
was adjacent to Roosevelt High School. This institution 
has an unusually large proportion of Mexican- American 
and Negro students, and for the past two years has been 
beset with a series of violent demonstrations. The Chicano 
Student News , March 15, 1968, featured an account of 
high school student walkouts and put the figures at 300 
from Wilson High School on March 1, 1968; 2000 from 
Garfield High School on March 5; 4,500 from Lincoln, 
Roosevelt and Garfield High Schools on March 6; 2000 
from Garfield and Belmont High Schools on March 7 
and 5,000 from Lincoln, Roosevelt and Garfield High 
Schools on March 8. Interviews with Principal Alfonso 
Perez, at Roosevelt High School, disclosed that the lead- 
ers of the demonstrations were members of the Brown 
Berets and the Black Student Union. 

La Rasa for June 7, 1968, carried a statement to the 
effect that Mr. Bert Corona, President of the Mexican- 
American Political Association in California, announced 
that his organization supported the Brown Berets and 
their demands for civilian police review boards and a 
guaranteed annual income of $5,000.00 for all Mexican- 
American families. Mr. Corona, a former member of the 
Board of Directors of the Los Angeles Communist School 
with Mrs. LaRue McCormick, Eva Shafran and Leo Gal- 
lagher, all identified Communists. He was also a member 
of Mrs. McCormick’s Committee for the Defense of Mex- 
ican- American Youth in 1942, on which Leo Gallagher 
and Philip Connelly were also members. The latter, a 
Communist, was then President of the California State 
CIO, and later became the husband of Dorthy Healey. In 
1966 Mr. Corona was a sponsor of the Statewide Con- 
ference for New Politics, spearheaded by Robert Scheer. 
Other sponsors were Bettina Aptheker, Irving Sarnoff, 
James Berland, Farrell Broslawsky, Dale Gronemeier, 
Dr. Carlton Goodlett, John Haag, Donald Kalish, Ter- 
ence Hallinan and Delfino Varela. ( Peoples’ World, Octo- 
ber 26, 1942 ; 1947 California Report, page 45 ; 1967 Cali- 
fornia Report, page 111.) 

On J une 7, 1969, ten defendants were indicted for start- 
ing fires in the Los Angeles Biltmore Hotel for the pur- 



pose of disrupting Governor Reagan’s speech. The inci- 
dent had occurred the preceding April and a major dis- 
aster was prevented only by the courageous work and 
information provided by an undercover agent from the 
Los Angeles Police Department. 

The attitude of at least a portion of the young Mexican- 
American radicals was expressed at a meeting of the 
Chicano Youth Students Conference at Denver, Colorado, 
which was held from March 27 to 31, 1969, and attended 
by 1500 delegates, 143 of whom were from Los Angeles. 
Machete, a Los Angeles City College publication issued 
by Chicano students, April 15, 1969, quoted from a reso- 
lution adopted at the Conference: “We will have to do 
away with our oppressor’s entire system of exploitation. 
In order to do this we must build a revolutionary organi- 
zation which will fight on all levels to improve our condi- 
tions here and now, while at the same time seeing the 
longer range struggle, which will definitely end a racist 
society, exploration, and guarantee our rights.” 

Trouble at Coachella 

On Sunday, April 5, 1970, the United Farm Workers 
Organizing Committee, headed by Cesar Chavez, held a 
rally at Coachella. The occasion naturally attracted a 
large crowd of sympathizers, and in the evening a dance 
was held in the City of Coachella. This community has a 
population of approximately 9,000 people, 80% of whom 
are of Mexican origin. The majority of them are model 
citizens who have no sympathy with the violence and the 
revolutionary tactics employed by a minority of young 
activists. As the dance progressed, two young men at- 
tempted to enter the premises without paying the admis- 
sion charge, seized control of the public address system, 
and disrupted the otherwise peaceful affair. Those in 
charge of the dance asked for police assistance, and when 
officers arrived to eject the troublemakers, they appealed 
for help to the crowd and the police were attacked. A riot 
ensued that involved 400 frenzied people who were hurl- 
ing rocks, bottles, fire bombs and breaking windows and 
otherwise engaging in all the acts of violence and destruc- 
tion that have now become familiar in many of our Cali- 
fornia communities. 



Assistance was quickly summoned and officers arrived 
from Banning, Indio, Balm Springs, the Highway Patrol 
and the Border Patrol. The riot was quelled, but not until 
several people were injured, an attempt was made to 
burn the house of the Mayor of Coachella and a police 
officer, and a sufficient force of officers was available to 
prevent further eruptions of violence. 

We should point out, in this connection, that Cesar 
Chavez was not present at these violent demonstrations 
and had no part in them. In our 1967 report we devoted 
a large section to an analysis of the United Farm 
Workers organization, and while we found it to be in- 
filtrated with subversive elements, we did not find it to be 
either a Communist front organization or under Com- 
munist domination. An agent of the Subcommittee con- 
ferred with police officials at Coachella on April 7, 1970, 
and received complete assistance and cooperation. Copies 
of official police reports were made available, and ad- 
ditional corroboration of the foregoing account was ob- 
tained from law enforcement officers from some of the 
other participating communities. 

Organization and Personnel 

In 1969 there were 60 chapters of the Brown Berets in 
California. Officers of the Los Angeles chapter are also 
national officers of the organization, and their names 
and official positions are as follows : David Sanchez, 
Prime Minister ; Carlos Montez, Minister of Information ; 
Ralph Ramirez, Minister of Defense; Eric Mangancilla, 
Minister of Education; Gloria Arellanous, Minister of 
Finance and Correspondence. The Minister of Security is 
“underground”. About 45% of the membership of the 
Brown Berets is female, no membership fee is charged, 
and applicants have a probationary period of six weeks 
during which they are investigated. At the end of that 
time, after suitable training and indoctrination, they are 
issued a Brown Beret and thereupon become full-fledged 
members of the organization. 

Until the emergency of militant and revolutionary 
Mexican-American minority organizations, the Commu- 
nist Party of California paid relatively little attention to 
this minority group, but during the last two years has 
become much more interested. In Party Affairs, a publi- 



cation of the Communist Party of the United States, 23 
West 26th Street, New York, October and November 
1968, pages 26-27, we find the following language in the 
form of a resolution to be presented to the special Na- 
tional Convention, CPUS A, July 4^7, 1968: 

“Up to a few years ago, the national problem of the 
conquered Mexican people was almost totally ignored by 
the nation as a whole, and our Party shares in this 
neglect. As the Mexican people began to develop economi- 
cally and politically, however, they have become a strong 
force in our national life, and more and more of the 
various sections of American society are becoming con- 
scious of the existence of this national minority and its 
impact upon the American political and economic insti- 

Our Party has played a constructive role in many of 
the important struggles of the Mexican people, but its 
role has been extremely limited, as we have shared in 
large measure the American ignorance and neglect of the 
7£ million conquered and colonized people within our 
national borders. We must grapple with the problems 
of these people in both long range and immediate goals.” 

An examination of Communist propaganda publications 
that have been issued since the foregoing resolution was 
adopted, indicates that the Party has moved diligently 
to rectify this neglect. 

Chinese Red Guards 

The Red Guards, a Chinese youth organization operat- 
ing out of San Francisco, has a history strikingly parallel 
to that of the development of the Brown Berets in Los 
Angeles. In 1967 a group of Chinese youths formed an 
organization which they called Legitimate Ways and 
opened a recreational facility on Jackson Street, in San 
Francisco’s Chinatown. Jobs were not forthcoming, the 
members became dissatisfied with their condition, antici- 
pated help from social agencies failed to materialize, 
and the Center was subjected to visits from police offi- 
cers searching for fugitive criminals. In the meantime 
these young Chinese became increasingly militant and 
came to admire the activities of the Black Panther or- 
ganization with its program of militant and violent de- 
fiance of the community. In March 1969, the organization 



changed its name to the Red Guards, and opened a head- 
quarters at 615 Jackson Street. Patterned after the Black 
Panther Party, some of their tenets were taken verbatim 
from Black Panther Party publications, and Mao’s book 
on “ Peoples’ War” became the ideological text. Members 
pf the Red Guards were taught the tactics of violent 
revolution, open guerrilla warfare, terrorist acts and the 
necessity to overthrow the government of the United 

As the influx of young Chinese was vastly accelerated 
with the enactment of a 1965 Federal law under which 
the immigration quotas were increased, it was discovered 
that conditions, at least in San Francisco, were completely 
inadequate for the assimilation of this minority group. 
As the influx grew, so did the tensions, creating a condi- 
tion which is admirably suited to the rapid spread of 
Maoist indoctrination, which has indeed been spreading 
since the Red Guards opened its Jackson Street head- 

Red Guard officers in 1965 were as follows: Chairman, 
Clifford Tom ; Chief of Staff, Alan Fong ; Minister of De- 
fense, Ted Kajiwara; Minister of Culture, Wing Quan; 
Minister of Education, Alex Hing; Minister of Finance, 
William Lew; Minister of Justice, Steve Tookas; Com-: 
munications Secretary, Christine Fong; Office Secretary, 
Maren Mark; Field Marshals, Marilyn Ng, Sheldon Lee, 
Douglas Horn, Deanne Lee, William Lew, Sadie Woo; 
Central Committee Members, Leland Woo, Clifford Tom, 
Sheldon Lee, Alan Fong, Christine Fong, Alex Hing, 
Deanne Lee and Maren Mark. (Conferences and Records, 
San Francisco Police Department; Records, U. S. Immi- 
gration and Naturalization Service, Washington, D.C.) 

The Revolutionary Union 

After the appearance of an article by Ed Montgomery 
in the March 23, 1967 issue of The San Francisco Exam- 
iner, we were deluged with inquiries from gravely con- 
cerned citizens. Montgomery’s article described a situa- 
tion that developed from Maoist study groups in and 
around Palo Alto. Originally known as the Red Guards, 
the same name subsequently adopted by the Chinese Corn- 
must group discussed previously, the name was changed 
to the Revolutionary Union, and the central office moved 


from Palo Alto to Grant Avenue in San Francisco. Its 
declared goal was formation of a coalition of the most 
radical revolutionary groups dedicated to the violent over- 
throw of our government. The all-out date for an armed 
uprising was set for 1973. 

The Montgomery article, based on interviews with per- 
sons who had attended some of the study sessions, asserted 
that the organization planned an assassination of political 
leaders, advised soldiers to murder their officers, coun- 
selled the killing of policemen and their families, the 
release of all prisoners from penal institutions, the de- 
liberate provoking of confrontations against law enforce- 
ment agencies, and a widespread campaign of terror. The 
article specifically mentioned H. Bruce Franklin, asso- 
ciate professor of English at Stanford, as a source of 
information and an outspoken advocate for the takeover 
of Stanford and the University of California. 

Some early members of these Maoist study groups were 
so startled and disillusioned by the savage and brutal 
plans for violence that they reported to the appropriate 
state and federal agencies, and we can report that the 
organization and its members have been under investiga- 
tion ever since. 

During the past year Robert Avakian of Berkeley has 
spearheaded the Revolutionary Union. He has already 
been mentioned as a member of the National Committee 
of SDS, and in previous reports has been described as 
having been active in Robert Scheer’s Statewide Confer- 
ence for New Politics and the Community for New Poli- 
tics that developed from it. Avakian, one of those arrested 
in the invasion of Sproul Hall in December 1964, was a 
candidate for election to the Berkeley City Council three 
years later. He ran on the Community for New Politics 
ticket and received 10,490 votes. (1965 California Report, 
page 103 ; 1967 California Report, pages 98, 111-115, 122 ; 
Communique for New Politics, Oct. and Nov., 1966.) 




we call owe selves 




BECAUSE MESs/LOir geiNO HOM£ lOrTM us 15 A CAll 
fop 0oLip/u?iry amowl; all the people iuNo Aeo no 
THE Ojmmov' E/vtM y 1 : us. /Hper/alisa^ 

the Stzu^ale !KI TUECUgAN cape Filers, cn THE fgCUTUMZ, 
i u Vietnam t ^ twa? uoeip communities at hcme^ /aiop against 
rHe u-wp m /chine in ouz ccun TEy’ /c the same 

’mm OGMNNtttt Ml fWf WfWW.OMV N«W Wf UM? 




SUM JUNE Dili 2:00 P.M. 

cA People's Injunction against the POLICE 
STOP THE SHERIFFS at the 3rd street station 
East L.A. Committee For The Defense of The Rill of Rights 



EXHIBIT II— Continued 

EL Tribunal de La Gente 



EL DOMINGO Junio 9th 2:00 p.m. 

Un Hand at o de La Gente contra LA POLICIA 
ALIO MaL TtaTamienTo 


As the riots, mob demonstrations, destruction and open 
declarations of revolution have swept across the state 
and nation in recent months, they have provoked conse- 
quent reactions. As the Extreme Left has fomented the 
insurrections, so the Extreme Right has reacted with 
comparable vehemence. 

We were quoted in The Black Panther, July 19, 1969, 
page 22, as having stated that the National States Rights 
Party was “more potentially dangerous than any of the 
American Nazi groups.” This w r as an entirely accurate 
quotation, not taken out of context, and originally ap- 
peared in our 1963 Report on page 198. Subsequent events 
have given us no reason to change our estimate, although 
as shall be seen, the NSRP has considerable declined in 
power since that time. 

National States' Rights Party 

In 1963 we reported on activities of the National States 
Rights’ Party in California, and gave some information 
concerning its national organization and strength. Since 
then an investigation of the movement was undertaken 
by the Florida Legislature’s Investigating Committee, 
and its findings were published in July 1964. We were 
provided with a copy of that report, and from it we find 
that after NSRP was started early in 1958 at Birming- 
ham, Alabama, it quickly developed into a racist group, 
actively working to prevent integration in the southern 
states. “It was created and has been managed,” says the 
Florida report, “by an amalgamation of leaders formerly 
connected with organizations such as the United White 
Party, Christian Anti- Jewish Party, Realpolitical Insti- 
tutions, various Ku Klux Klans and the Columbians.” 

In 1965 the White American, a monthly newspaper 
carrying vicious racist propaganda, appeared as the offi- 
cial NSRP organ. Its address was given as Box 8399, 
Ensley Station, Birmingham, and the March 1965 issue 
carried an article on page 4 that disclosed the reason 
for the split in the organization and its rapid disintegra- 

( 270 ) 



tion. One of the leaders of the National States Right 
Party, almost from its inception, was a chiropractor, 
Dr. Edward R. Fields. He edited the NSRP publications, 
was entrusted with the funds, proved a capable organizer, 
and on many occasions acted as a spokesman for the 
organization. In 1965, however, he was accused of having 
diverted funds from the treasury and used them for his 
private benefit. The exposure dealt a severe blow to the 
organization, emotionally as well as financially. State 
Chairmen resigned in Ohio, Montana and Arkansas and 
were followed by widespread defections that ravished 
the entire membership. In 1965 the NSRP tried to renew 
its strength by recruiting ex-members of defunct Klan 
units, but the results were disappointing. Another reason 
for the swift demise of the organization is due to efficient 
FBI work that has resulted in the arrest of members 
of the organization for the illegal possession of weapons. 
At the present time the National States Right Party in 
California is virtually inactive, although a handful of 
members have continued their activities through other 
and similar organizations. 

The Minutemen 

The Minutemen was founded in June 1960 by Robert 
B. DePugh, who at the time was president of Biolab 
Corporation, a pharmaceutical firm dealing largely in 
supplies for veterinarians. Headquarters for the organi- 
zation was at the home of Mr. DePugh, who resided in 
Norborne, Missouri. He was a former member of the 
John Birch Society, but as his views and advocacies 
proved too militant for the Society, it dropped his name 
from its membership rolls, and he thenceforth pursued 
his activities through the new organization, which soon 
established other chapters throughout the country. De- 
Pugh has stated that: “The policy of our organization 
is to form, in advance of the actual need, an underground 
army to fight an aggressor. So, instead of wasting our 
time and effort on something current, we are trying to 
advance or look ahead ten years and be prepared to fight 
the battles that will be needed then.” (Minutemen Docu- 
ments and Publication; St. Louis Post-Dispatch , June 22, 
1964; St. Louis Globe-Democrat , June 23, 1694). 

There can be no question about the militancy of the 
Minutemen. In August 1963, George Joseph King, Jr., 



of Long Beach was arrested after several months of 
undercover work on the part of Baldwin Park Police 
and Treasury Department Investigators. He was charged 
with illegal possession of two automatic pistols, one 30- 
caliber carbine, and several thousand rounds of ammu- 
nition. He had been attempting to sell machine guns to 
police officers, who he thought were prospects for the 
Minutemen, an organization to which he was alleged 
to have been affiliated. In May 1964 Treasury agents 
seized a small arsenal of flame-throwers, machine guns, 
a cannon, mortars, aerial bombs, automatic pistols and 
ammunition on a farm near Springfield, Illinois. Two 
men were arrested, and one of them, Richard Lauchli, a 
former paratrooper and leader of the Minutemen, was 
held on a $20,000.00 bond. In March 1965 a cache of 
370 machine guns was found in a California warehouse 
owned by Erquiage Arms Company, and evidence dis- 
closed that they had been dealing with the Minutemen 
organization. In December 1965 Keith D. Gilbert of 
Glendale was charged with participating in the illegal 
seizing of 1400 pounds of dynamite from the W. A. 
Murphy Company at Sylmar, the police having found 
explosives and weapons, together with ammunition and 
Minutemen literature at his home. (See Los Angeles 
Times, April 13, 1965; December 7, 1965.) 

In 1961 Donald T. Alderman, San Diego, was regional 
coordinator for the Minutemen in California. He was 
succeeded by Troy Haughton who delivered speeches on 
behalf of the organization throughout the state. He spoke 
on August 14, 1964 under the auspices of an organiza- 
tion, apparently ad hoc, called the Southern California 
Freedom Councils at Knights of Columbus Hall, Van 
Nuys. He also delivered an address at San Jose in April 
1965, during which he boasted of armed underground 
groups in San Jose, Santa Clara, Sunnyvale and Red- 
wood City. He produced no evidence of the existence of 
these organizations, however, and no trace of them could 
be found despite diligent investigations on the part of 
our own agents and law enforcement agencies in the area. 
Robert DePugh has often declared that the organization 
had approximately 25,000 members, but as yet he has 
never offered any real evidence that they are anything 





Proudly Present 

A major address by: 


Western U.S. Coordinator, Minutemen 



Knights of Columbus Hall 
14450 Valerio Street 
Van Nuys, California 

August 14, 1 964 
8:00 P.M. 
Donation: $1 .00 

For tickets: Poor Richards Bookshop 

5403 Hollywood Blvd. 

Los Angeles 27, Calif. 

or tickets by mail from: 

Southern California Freedom Councils 
6685 Hollywood Boulevard 
Hollywood 28, California 
HO 6-7347 







more than essentially a paper organization with just 
enough followers over the country that they can occa- 
sionally make a headline somewhere, usually because of 
their preoccupation with the weapons of war. ( Los An- 
geles Times, April 13, 1965.) 

In 1967 Robert DePugh, Walter P. Peyson and Troy 
Haughton were arrested and charged with violating the 
Federal Firearms Act. DePugh was sentenced to serve 
two years in Federal Prison, and was given five years 
probation; Walter P. Peyson was sentenced to three 
years with three years probation, and Troy Haughton 
was sentenced to three years with no probation. All were 
released after having received their sentences in the 
United States District Court at Kansas City, Missouri, 
on $5,000.00 bond each, which deprived the organization 
of its leadership and dealt it a shattering blow from 
which it has not yet recovered. The membership has 
scattered and like members of the National States Right 
Party, affiliated with other and similar organizations. 

American Nazi Party 

Formed by George Lincoln Rockwell and four aides in 
1959, this racist, activist movement set up a headquarters 
at Arlington, Virginia. Under Rockwell’s guidance and 
because of his driving energy, it attracted young men who 
were drilled, armed, uniformed and sent out on parades 
and assignments against Negroes, Jews and Communists. 
This, in essence, was the creed of the American Nazi 
Party — hatred for racial minorities and an ambition to 
foster a white racist society in the United States. The 
magnetic personality of Rockwell lent itself well to his 
position as Fuehrer of this Party. He usually smoked a 
corncob pipe and his jut- jawed pictures inspired confi- 
dence in his strength and determination. 

In our 1963 report w r e described the minor disturbances 
caused by some California members of the American Nazi 
Party at various meetings. But on the whole there was 
much more swaggering than action. The entire organiza- 
tion never amounted to more than a few hundred through- 
out the country, and no more than a hundred at the peak 
of its activity in California. The enrollment varied, of 
course, from time to time as money and enthusiasm fluc- 



The publications and propaganda issued by the Ameri- 
can Nazi Party carried, and still carry, the usual racist 
propaganda presented in an extremely lurid fashion. In 
1967 the movement issued a slick magazine, lavishly illu- 
strated and called the Storm Trooper Magazine. Printed 
on good paper, issued from Arlington, Virginia, this mag- 
azine appeared monthly and sold for 50 cents a copy or 
$2.00 a year. The lead piece in each issue was inevitably 
headed: “From the desk of the Commander,” under a 
photograph of Rockwell in the upper right-hand corner 
of the page. The issue for summer 1967 carried the ad- 
dresses of local units called “Storm Troops,” as follows: 
Box 3980, Dallas, Texas; 4375 North Peck Road, El 
Monte, California; Box 5066, San Francisco, California; 
1314 West Ohio Street, Chicago; 6150 Wilson Boulevard, 
Arlington, Virginia ; Box 1363, Boston ; Box 986, Oakland 
and Box 215, Route 3, Spottsylvania, Virginia.” 

There were some exceptions to the usually peaceful ac- 
tivities of the Nazi Party. During the 1967 Peace demon- 
strations in Oakland and San Francisco, units of the 
organization led by Rockwell, who made a special trip to 
the West Coast for the purpose, snatched at Viet Cong 
flags and engaged in trading punches with some of the 

In August 1967 Rockwell was assassinated. His mur- 
derer, a former member of the organization named John 
Patler, was arrested, convicted and is now serving 20 
years in the penitentiary. After the leader’s death there 
was the inevitable rivalry for his position among several 
officers. But the struggle was unsettled until great 
breaches were driven through the group by cliques and 
desertions. In the columns of the official club publications, 
Action Magazine and the newspaper Attach, the power 
plays were reported in some detail — but the truth lies in 
reports from former members and from covert agents 
who managed to penetrate the organization. 

In January 1969 a temporary headquarters was set up 
in California under the care of Allen Vincent at 2274 
North Western Avenue, Los Angeles. Shortly before that 
time it had been situated at 4375 North Peck Road, El 
Monte. Even before Rockwell’s murder there had been 
some abortive efforts to replace him. William E. Pattison 
of Van Nuys made the attempt in 1963, after having been 



a member of the organization for three years. At that 
time Pattison estimated the California enrollment as 700, 
but 100 would have been nearer the mark. After Rock- 
well ’s death and because of the leadership struggle, which 
has not yet been settled, resignations and factionalism 
have withered the ranks almost to the vanishing point. 

Mattias Koehl, Jr., now about 35, was second in com- 
mand, and naturally assumed the leadership position 
after Rockwell’s death. Ralph Forbes was in charge of 
the California organization, and his position was also 
coveted by others — and at the same time there was a drive 
to unseat Koehl by Dr. James K. Warner of California, 
who sent a form letter to the members and signed him- 
self “White Power! Dr. James K. Warner, National 
Leader.” Warner declared on page 4 of his letter that 
“in view of the incompetent leadership of the National 
Socialist White Peoples’ Party, I, Dr. James K. Warner, 
assumed by popular Nazi acclaim the leadership of the 
American Nazi Party.” He then preceeded to appoint the 
following officers: Allen Vincent, Deputy Leader and 
National Storm Troop Leader; George Carpenter, Storm 
Troop Leader from Southern California and National 
Secretary ; Don Musgrove, Storm Troop Leader for 
Northern California; Don Anderson, Leader of State 
Security; Dick Norris, Deputy Leader of State Security; 
Paul Tronvig, Assistant Deputy Leader of State Secu- 
rity; Bart West, National Organizer; Bill Cummings, 
Secretary of Labor; Don Sisco, Party Spokesman, and 
Dave Lea, Party Treasurer. 

As we shall shortly see, the preoccupation of security 
was of little avail, due in part to the carelessness that at- 
tended the operation of the California unit of the party, 
and perhaps in greater measure to the resourcefulness of 
the Subcommittee agent who visited the headquarters at 
227 J North Western Avenue after the Warner takeover. 

He found the California office to be situated in a two 
story white wooden structure, occupied by Mr. and Mrs. 
George Carpenter. The walls of the combined dining and 
living room were draped with Nazi flags, swastika ban- 
ners and Nazi posters. There were abundant supplies of 
Nazi Party literature available, some which is repro- 
duced herewith. Mrs. Carpenter bitterly attacked Ralph 
Forbes and Koehl, stating that the main “troop Bay,” as 



she termed it, was at James Warner’s Glendale residence. 
Four male members of the Party were living at the Car- 
penter residence, Cummings, Vincent, Carpenter and an 
anonymous young man who lay on the floor sleeping 
throughout the entire interview and who was not, there- 
fore, subject to recognition. On Tuesday, January 16, 
1969 the Carpenters moved to a new address at the corner 
of Effie and Bates Street, Los Angeles. 

The American Nazi meetings are usually held on Fri- 
day evenings at 8:00 P.M. at the Party headquarters or 
at one of the members’ residences. Dues are $3.00 per 
month for adults, $2.00 for students and the membership 
fee is $5.00 per year. The membership is still pursuing 
its internal battles, which are as vigorous as its clashes 
with the minority groups and Communists it detests. 





January 11, 1965 

Brigade Commander 
La Puente, California 
Dear Mr. 

Thank you so much for your long and most interesting letter of 
30 December. 

I heartily agree with much of what you say. However, I must point 
out that the biggest problem our country faces is LACK OF COURAGE! 

Most people who are aware of the Jewish situation feel that they are 
"just too powerful" and that any effort to oppose them in the open is doomed 
to failure. 

For this reason, it is my opinion that the most necessary thing is to 
defy the bastards in the wide open, to spit in their eyes and generally to 
make fools of them at every opportunity. 

In combat, in World War II and Korea, I learned that people who will 
fight and are brave, will still not get up and go by themselves. You have 
to get up in front of them and give an heroic example to get them STARTED. 

That, in my opinion, is our major problem. 

The country is full of "patriots" who want to do everything else in the 
world except get out there where they might get "shot". 

Perhaps I am wrong, but I believe that I must spend every ounce of 
my energy in heroic "charging" at the enemy, until the myth of Jewish 
invincibility is smashed to pieces. 

In my opinion, the proliferation of organizations and leaders who preach 
"silent" and "secret" operations is a deadly danger, because it reinforces the 
myth of Jewish invincibility. 






EXHIBIT I— Continued 

At the same time, I heartily agree that we need a sort of "under- 
ground" party. 

Perhaps you and/or your associates are the men to lead such a 

There are several points in your letter with which I strongly disagree, 
but it would be impractical, and impossible, under the pressure I face 
here, to take them up in writing. 

I suggest you visit me here, if possible, or I shall try to see you next 
time I get out to the West Coast. 

In the mean time, if you are as sincere and dedicated as your letter 
would indicate, I suggest that you have somebody make secret contacts 
with Captain Forbes out there, in spite of any faults you may see, and 
help those poor bastards to the limit of your ability. They are really 
suffering and hard-pressed. They need help, not advice or criticism at 
this point. 

If you know anyway to help them, for God's sake do so. When I get 
out there, I look forward to meeting you. 

Until then, 

Lincoln Rockwell, Commander 
American Nazi Party 





Temporary address: 
c/o Major Allen Vincent 
227ft N. Western Avenue 
Los Angeles, Calif. 90004 

Phone: 462-0207 

January 1968 

Fellow National Socialist: 

The question before us today is this: Is the American Nazi 
Party going to win power in America, or is it just a game for a 
gang of overgrown children and petty Napoleons? 

For the last few years the leadership of the ANP on the West 
Coast has been in the hands of incompetant individuals who have 
found the Party a profitable venture for selfish gain, a means of 
existing without working, and a way to express their illusions of 
grandeur. Those who have tried to build the Party have run into in- 
surmountable obstacles thrown up by those who enjoy and profit by 
this miserable travesty on true National Socialism. 

When the Party was launched in 1959, I was one of the five 
original members, and have been credited by Commander Rockwell with 
being the one individual who gave the Commander the encouragement 
to go ahead with organizing the American Nazi Party. In the Comman- 
der's words: 

"Just about as I regained 'consciousness', James Warner, the 
young man who sent the Nazi flag, was discharged from the Airforce 
for his Nazi sympathies, and appeared at Louis' house ready to do 
what he could to advance Nazism. 

"The fact that this young kid was ready to devote his life 
to our cause and to my leadership was the shock I needed to snap 
out of depression." (page 342, This Time the World ). 

I worked with Commander Rockwell through bad times and good, 
sharing his hardships, and fighting along beside him in the street. 
Later, because of political immaturity and lack of political know- 
ledge, I broke with the Party, thinking that I had better ideas 
than the Commander. I did a lot of stupid, irresponsible rotten 
things that hurt the Party. However, the Commander and I came to 
terms in 1965, and the Commander wrote: "I am in hopes that by show- 
ing that Warner and I have been able to come to terms and, although 
he is not in the Party. ..we stand together against the enemy, after 
years of bitter and brutal quarrelling." (Rockwell. Report, Feb., 

In August, 1967, I was mainly responsible for organizing 
transportation for the Nazi Motorcycle Corps for the famous street 
action on August 6th, which made headlines nationwide. 

The California "leader" (Ralph Forbes) was so engrossed with 
"family considerations," or so he claimed, that he just couldn't 
find the time, or the money in his treasury (his wife was his treas- 
urer and wrote and kept all the records) to bring the men from Oak- 
land to Los Angeles, Although not being a Party member, I did work 






No useful purpose would be served by setting forth 
here the sickening recital of incidents of violence, de- 
struction and disruption that has befallen our schools 
and colleges since the Berkeley rebellion of 1964. That 
account has been unfolded by news outlets day by day. 

With the rise of the New Left and the resurgence of 
the Old Left, and the mass agitation and propaganda ac- 
tivity among our racial minorities and students, the re- 
bellion continues to grow. Years ago, shortly after the 
Berkeley revolt, the late Lucius Beebe wrote that under 
conditions then existing at Berkeley, the faculty con- 
sidered it an unusual day unless students staged a demon- 
stration with tanks and flame throwers. But there were 
no buildings blown up in 1964, no violent attacks on ad- 
ministrators, and it was not considered proper for pro- 
fessors to indoctrinate their captive audiences with their 
own radical concepts. It was considered that these state- 
supported educational institutions were places for stu- 
dents to get an education, not indoctrination ; where 
academic freedom was used as a protection against devia- 
tions from objective teaching, and not as a thin excuse 
for indoctrination. Before 1964 our schools were not al- 
lowed the indulgence of extra-curricular programs of 
on-campus harangues by the apostles of revolution, pro- 
vided with public address systems and other facilities at 
the expense of taxpayers whose government they were at- 

It would be difficult indeed to imagine organizations of 
students more open in their advocacy of the violent de- 
struction of our way Of life than Students for a Demo- 
cratic Society, Progressive Labor Party, or the Young 
Socialist Alliance. Yet we witness the ridiculous spectacle 
of timid administrators granting official campus recog- 
nition to these defiant groups that surge out to wreak 
incalculable injury to our society. 

There should be no resistance to proper academic 
changes. No doubt many are long overdue, but they are 
not achieved through destruction and violence. If there 

( 283 ) 



are serious defects in our educational system, they should 
obviously be remedied, but in the meantime to tolerate a 
continuation of this contempt for authority, this program 
of studied violence and anarchy, is permitting it to do far 
more than destroy our buildings and injuring our people. 
It is also making us calloused to violence, tolerant of 
defiance, of classroom indoctrination and apprehensive of 
invading the sensitivity of radical elements in our schools. 
The sordid story of professors teaching by parading 
naked men and women before their classes, and of a stu- 
dent completing his Masters Degree requirements by 
making human' statues engaging in acts of perversion 
should require no comment on our part. It is, of course, 
an indictment of our system of education and the people 
to whom it has been entrusted. 

Our agents leave many campuses in disgust at the 
blatant revolutionary propaganda that has been allowed 
to permeate the atmosphere. In their conferences with 
security officers on campuses of State Colleges and our 
State University, they have discovered that many of the 
officers do not know one front organization from another, 
are provided with no system of inter-communication with 
facilities at other campuses, and are outrageously under- 
staffed. The intimidation of administrators at many cam- 
puses is obvious, with the result that a great majority of 
students — unorganized and inarticulate — are being ham- 
pered in their pursuit of an education and forced to suffer 
continual disruptions that emanate from the highly orga- 
nized and disciplined radical minority. 

The Cleaver Course 

An example of the dishonesty existing in some of our 
institutions was found at the Berkeley campus where, 
after considerable controversy, the Regents allowed El- 
dridge Cleaver to teach a course designated as Social 
Analysis 139-X, but without credit being given to the 
students who took it. Professor Sampson, of the Psychol- 
ogy Department, advised the 139-X students, however, 
that by a subterfuge and with his cooperation, they could 
evade the rule by enrolling in his class, 198, and receive 
credit for work done in the Cleaver course. He then 
molded and altered 198 to fit the situation by enrolling 
lower division students in this upper division course, by 



admitting 34 students instead of a previous high of 6, 
by assigning letter grades instead of pass-fail grades and 
by conducting it as an independent study course. 

After the 139-X students had followed this device, they 
were denied credit for 198 and immediately brought an 
action in the Alameda County Superior Court to force the 
University to give them credits. One student received a B 
plus and all the others received A’s in the 198 course, but 
the Recorder’s Office, following the Regents Mandate, 
refused to issue the credits officially. The petition was 
denied by the Court who resolved the case in favor of the 
Regents, and the decision declared that it had been Pro- 
fessor Sampson’s practice to give credit in his courses 
for papers prepared for and credited in other courses. 
Indeed, some of the papers written in connection with the 
Cleaver course actually ante-dated the commencement 
course of 198. Said the Court: “If this practice was in 
fact limited to 139-X, vis-a-vis 198, the correctness of 
respondent’s (The Regents) position would need little or 
no additional proof. On the other hand if such an incredi- 
ble practice is on-going, it would seem to deserve close 
scrutiny by the University administration.” (Memoran- 
dum of Decision, Case No. 391, 912, Superior Court, 
Alameda County, January 7, 1970.) 

Bettina Aptheker Article 

Bettina Aptheker wrote an article entitled “The 
Student Rebellion” that appeared in the March and 
April 1969 issues of Political Affairs. We have pre- 
viously described this monthly magazine as the official 
ideological publication of the National Committee of the 
CPUS A, of which Bettina Aptheker is a member. Since 
Part II of this article deals with campus rebellions since 
1964 as seen through the eyes of the Communist Party, 
and describes the leadership role to which it aspires, 
we have quoted from the article as follows: 

“There were two decisive events in 1964, which 
marked the first watershed for the movement. The 
first was at the Democratic Party National Conven- 
tion in Atlantic City in the late summer of 1964. 
The second was the Berkeley Free Speech Move- 
ment in the Fall of 1964. This was the first mass 


uprising on a college campus. It came as a direct 
result of the Civil Rights activities of the students 
the previous Spring. These two events exposed the 
corruption and degeneracy of established institu- 
tions to a very large number of people: the former, 
the character of the Democratic Party; the latter, 
the nature of the University and the class character 
of its governing board. It is at this juncture that 
many in the student movement concluded that radical 
change is a necessity if American Society is to deal 
with the crises it had apparently created.” 

“The growing obsession with tactics leads to a 
growing fascination with violence: an attempt to 
create a revolutionary atmosphere in lieu of a revo- 
lutionary situation. My first difference here is to 
assume the identity of revolution and violence. The 
second difference is that I think it romanticizes and 
distorts the revolutionary process. This is clearly 
illustrated by a series of demonstrations in Berkeley 
in June, 1968. A street rally wgs called in support 
of the French workers and students. The rally or- 
ganizers deliberately refused to obtain a police per- 
mit for the rally in expectation of creating a student- 
police confrontation, in the attempt to transpose 
Paris to Berkeley. Of course the police invaded 
the rally. Barricades were set up and were set afire, 
etc., etc. Superficially, the newspaper pictures from 
Berkeley appeared identical with those from Paris, 
but no one can seriously contend that Berkeley was 
on the verge of revolution. 

These kinds of tactics are extremely dangerous. 
One canpot ‘play’ with revolution. It is a serious 
business and the ruling class uses every mistake, 
every adventurous act, every ultra-Left binge as a 
whip to beat back the movement. Such acts play into 
the hands of the ruling class. Their lack of rational 
purpose isolates the Left from masses of people.” 

“The Student Rebellion is a tremendously impor- 
tant event in the historical development of a revolu- 
tionary movement, both because of the contemporary 



character of American higher education, and because 
of the astounding ideological advancements of the 
students themselves. The New Left has shown a 
rare astuteness in its ability to draw upon experience, 
a fresh courage to break with clearly inadequate or 
incorrect theory, a steady dedication to build a move- 
ment capable of revolution. 

At this moment there is an urgent need for ideo- 
logical and political leadership in the Communist 
Party and from a Marxist-Leninist Youth organi- 
zation.” ( Political Affairs, April, 1969, “The Stu- 
dent Rebellion, Part 2,” by Bettina Aptheker. Page 
12 at pages 13, 19, 23, 59.) 

Dominant Role of Communist Party 

With the rise of the New Left organizations there 
was a tendency for this new crop of young revolutionaries 
to ridicule the CPUS A as old, tired, and impotent. But 
it was also patient, experienced, disciplined and a part 
of a magnificently organized world movement. It had 
an ideology, and the younger groups had very little 
except a touch of Marxian philosophy, and a fanatic 
dedication to a Maoist do-it-yourself destruction mania. 
Then came the inevitable splits, with these young people 
spending hours arguing about matters of approach, tech- 
nique, united and popular fronts, all of which the Com- 
munists had gone through years before. And while the 
New Left groups were fragmenting, split with factions 
and jealousies, power drives and competition with each 
other, the CPUS A was quietly infiltrating each, and 
either demolishing it from within through provocateur 
action, or bending it to the will of the Party. 

Thus it infiltrated and split SDS until the remaining 
organization is actually playing the Communist game by 
serving as shock troops. The Black Panther Party, deci- 
mated by death and imprisonment, was barely afloat when 
new life was pumped into it by the Friends of the 
Panthers, a Communist front, new legal talent was drawn 
from the familiar pool of lawyers specializing in such 
cases, and bail money provided by other Communist 
fronts. And the Black Panthers also played the Commu- 
nist game by taking the gunfire while their sponsors 
remained in the background giving advice. The Progres- 



sive Labor Party, that little vicious group too radical 
for the CPUS A, has been split and reduced to a position 
of impotence in accord with the CPUS A line that we 
have heretofore described. 

As J. Edgar Hoover said, the Party would like nothing 
better than to have us believe that it is both weak and 
inactive, but a writer well-versed in Communist strate- 
gies has written : 

“Wherever there has been a vacuum in radical move- 
ments in the 20th Century, Marxism has filled that vac- 
uum ideologically, and the Conunimist Party has filled it 
organizationally.” (“The Communist Party and the New 
Left,” by Frank S. Meyer. National Review, February 
27, 1968, page 191.”) 




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Abdurakhman, Antorkha- 
nov, 125 

Abele, Lester, 120 
Abolition News, 94 
Abt, John J„ 103 
Academy of Scientists of 
Czechoslovakian Party, 

Action Magazine, 276 
Age of Treason, 22 
Agitator, 49 
Air Prance, 185 
Alameda County Superior 
Court, 285 
Albert, Stu, 238 
Alderman, Donald T., 272 
Alexander, Franklin, 82 
Alexander, Hursel, 49 
Alexander, Kendra, 83, 136 
Alexander, Roberta, 239 
Allen, Charles R., 71 
Allen, Donna, 95, 100, 102, 
103, 106 

Allen, Prof. Russell, 95 
Alliance for Labor Action, 

All-India Student and 

Youth Federation, 126 
Alvarado, Roger, 239 
Amalgamated Meat Cutters 
and Butcher Workman, 
96, 104 

American Civil Liberties 
Union, 96, 97, 98, 99, 
106, 108, 221 

American Committee for 
Protection of Foreign 
Born, 67 

American Communications 
Association, 162 
American Federation of La- 
bor, 162, 163 

American Federation of 
State, County and Mu- 
nicipal Employees, 222 
American Federation of 
Teachers, 95, 96, 101, 

American Friends Service 
Committee, 20, 34, 107 
American Independent 
Party, 57 

American Mental Health 
Professionals Acting 
for Peace, 20 

American Nazi Party, 11, 
56, 72, 109, 110, 275, 
276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 
281, 282 

American Newspaper Guild, 

American Opinion, 33, 36 
American Peace Crusade, 
18, 22 

American Peace Mobiliza- 
tion, 18 

American Socialist Party, 

American University, 95, 

American Youth for Democ- 
racy, 19, 23 
Amherst College, 118 
Anastasia, Lynda, 105 
Anderson, Don, 277 
Anglin, Frank A., Jr., 95 
Anti HUAC Committee, 99 
Applehaus, Linda, 32 

Approaching Crisis of the 
Campus, 9 

Aptheker, Bettina, 47, 79, 
89, 131, 182, 183, 239, 
261, 285 

Aptheker, Herbert, 77, 78, 
89, 148, 167, 239, 241 
Arellanous, Gloria, 263 
Arizona Daily Star, 259 
Assembly of Men and 
Women in the Arts 
Concerned with Viet- 
nam, 20 

Associated Students, of So- 
cial Welfare, Univer- 
sity of California, 89 
Atcheson, Dean, 123 
Attack, 276 

Avakian, Robert, 43, 44, 46, 
207, 240, 266 
Ayres, William, 207, 211 


Baefsky, Leo, 83 
Baird, Rev. William, 95 
Banco de Mexico, 184 
Banks, Shermont, 220 
Barnard, Harry, 93 
Barraza, Maclovio, 257 
Basmanor, A., 223 
Bauers, Louise, 103 
Beagle, Simon, 95 
Bedacht, Max, 140, 141 
Beebe, Lucius, 283 
Bela, Rick, 106 
Belton, Bernice, 95, 103 
Beltram, Elsie, 100 
Beltram, William, 100 
Benedict, Corky, 207 
Berendo Junior High School 

Berkeley Barb, 48 
Berkeley Campus Mobiliza- 
tion Committee, 48 
Berkeley City Council, 266 
Berkeley Community 
YWCA, 89 

Berkeley Gazette, 221 
Berland, James, 92, 237, 


Berman, Prof. Daniel Sr., 

Berman, Jack, 89 
Bernstein, Barbara, 95, 105 
Barraza, 260 
Bessie, Alvah, 71 
Bessie, Daniel, 82, 84 
Beverly Hills Peace and 


Black, Candie, 105 
Black, Carolyn, 136 
Black Guard, 243 
Black Liberation Commis- 
sion, 186 

Black Panthers and Black 
Panther Party. See 
also Friends of the 
Black Panthers, 9, 31, 
,32, 33, 34, 35, 48, 49, 
50, 51, 53, 56, 132, 137, 
172, 206, 207, 208, 220, 
231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 

248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 
253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 
259, 264, 265, 287 

Black Panther, The, 9, 10, 

Black Students Union, 199, 
246, 261 
Bloice, Carl, 46 
Bloomfield, Barbara, 95, 100, 
Boggio, James, 16 
Bolivian University Federa- 
tion, 126 

Bond, James, 135 
Bond, Yvonne Marie, 182. 
183,‘184, 185 

Bonpane, Fr. Blase, 32, 260 
Bont-elle, Paul, 220 
Booker, H. H„ 95 
Borawies, John, 120 
Borough, Reuben, 68, 70 
Bouden, Kathy, 211 
Boyer, Professor Raymond, 

Boyle, Rev. Eugene, 240 
Braden, Anne, 100, 102, 103, 

Braden, Carl, 32, 93, 95, 
100, 105, 111 
Braden, Emily, 32 
Brandt, Joe, 111 
Brezhnev, Leonid, 130 
Brezhnev Report to Central 
Committee, 130 
Brittin, Barbara, 71, 235, 

Brittlnf Charles, *71, 83, 235, 
237, 241 

Britton, Joel, 36, 71, 220, 

Broadhurst, Prof. Francis, 

Bronstein, Lev Davidovich 
(Leon Trotsky), 216 
Browder, Earl, 119, 125 
Brown, Archie, 148, 240 
Brown Berets, 258, 259, 260, 
261, 263, 264, 267, 268, 

Brown, Elaine, 236, 237-, 


Brown, Gov. Edmund G., 

Brown, H. Rap, 14, 43 
Brown, Rep. George, Jr., 57 
Broslawsky, Prof. Farrel, 
43, 44, 46, 47, 50, 71, 
83, 92, 261 
Bryson, Hugh, 46 

Buchbinder, Prof. Howard, 

Budapest Conference of 
Communist Parties, 31 
Buehrer, Rev. Edwin T., 96 
Bundas, George, 120 
Burford, James, 89 
Burns, Senator Hugh M.. 5 
Burnstein, Malcolm, 44, 46 
Bye, Michael, 83 
Byrd, Joseph, 79, 82 


Cadena, Galdino Guzman, 


California Democratic 
Council, 89 

California Department of 
Criminal Identification 
and Investigation, 12. 

(291 ) 



California Joint Fact-Find- 
ing Committee on Un- 
American Activities. 
See also California Re- 

Chicago Peace Council, 97 
Chicago Seven, 240 
Chicago Tribune, 167 
Chicano Student News, 261 

American Activities 
1948—18, 19, 67 
1953—81, 100, 101 

China News Service, 188 
CIO, 162, 163, 261 
Citizens Committee for 

Constitutional Liberties, 

Citizens Committee to Pre- 
serve American Free- 
doms, 11, 22, 83, 89, 90, 

1957—216, 270 
1963—30, 275 
1965—26, 135, 177, 239, 



California State Bar Asso- 
ciation, 22 

California State College at 
Hayward, 79 

California State College at 
Los Angeles, 220 
California State Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
California State Polytech- 
nic College, 140 
California subcommittees 
on Un-American Ac- 
tivities, California Sen- 
ate. See also California 
Reports, 1, 4, 5, 6, 9, 

Chrisman, Michael S., 96 
Christian Anti- Jewish Par- 
ty, 270 

Clark, Tom, 67 
Cleaver, Eldridge, 31, 51, 
53, 71, 231, 232, 238, 
284, 285 

Cleaver, Kathleen, 238 
Clergy and Layman, con- 
cerned about Vietnam. 

98, 99 

Coalition of Teachers and 
Struggle Committees of 
Mexico, 126 
Coe, Lee, 184 

Camejo, Antonio, 221, 222 
Camejo, Peter, 221, 222, 223 
Cannon, James P., 217 
Canoga Park — Chatsworth 
Peace and Freedom 
Club, 54 

Carey, Edward, 96 
Carmichael, Stokeley, 43 
Carpenter, George, 277, 278 

Castro, Fidel, 168, 177, 218, 

"Cause, The,” 258 
Center for the study of 
Democratic Institutions, 
52, 80, 84 

Central Intelligence Agency, 

186, 189, 190 
Chandra, Romesh, 31 
Charous, Loren, 221 
Chavez, Andy, 240 
Chavez, Cesar, 27, 32, 142, 
144, 145, 262, 263 
Chechen Region Party 

Chernin, Rose. See also 
Kusnitz, Rose, Chernin, 
29, 30, 53, 56, 68, 69, 
70, 71, 83, 89, 92, 103, 
108, 148, 235, 260 
Chiang-Kai-shek, 169 
Chicago Anti-Draft Resist- 

fend the Bill of Rights, 
93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 
104, 105 

Chicago Federal Grand 
Jury, 198 

Chicago Federation, Union 
of American Hebrew 
Congregations, 104 

Cohelan, Congressman Jef- 
frey, 46 

Cohen, Barry, 136 
Cohen, Jerome, 132 
Cohen, Milton, 96, 104 
Cohn-Bendit, Daniil, 201 
College of Emporia Com- 
mittee to Abolish HU- 
AC, 95 

Columbia University, 202, 
207, 211 
Columbians, 270 
Columbus Committee to De- 
fend the Bill of Rights, 

Combat, 136, 207 
Comfort, Mark, 43 
Committee Council for Op- 
position to the War in 
Vietnam, 20 

Committee for Defense of 
American Youth, 261 
Committee for Defense of 
the Bill of Rights. See 
also Los Angeles and 

Communist Party 
Brazil, 191 
Burma, 191 

California, 9, 11, 15, 17-, 
23, 24, 29, 30, 44, 80, 
82, 83, 110, 135. 136, 
141, 142, 143, 144, 146, 

Chinese, 191 
Cuban, 178, 183 
Czech, 157 

France, 159, 191, 216, 222, 

Great Britain, 224 
International, 14, 25, 29, 
35, 67, 69, 81, 82, 117 
124, 125, 148, 149, 154 
155, 156, 157, 160, 180 

259, 265, 266 
Mexico, 144, 145 
National Committee, 45, 

North Korean, 18 
North Vietnam, 18, 56 
Soviet Union, 118, 119 

120, 130, 133, 149, 150 
151, 155, 160, 173, l‘~ 
216, 218, 220, 222 
Stalinist, 108, 180, 218 
Trotskyist, 11, 13, 14, 20 
25, 27, 28, 32, 36, 50 

51, 69, 70, 79, 80, 81 

108, 172, 176, 179, 191 
195, 208, 217, 218, 220 
222, 223, 224, 238, 241 
United States, 11, 13, 14 
19, 20, 22, 23, 25 

29, 30, 37, 43, 44 

49, 52, 53, 55, 58 
68, 69, 70, 71, 77 
... 88, 86, 105, 110 

111, 116, 117, 118, 119 

120, 121, 122, 123, 124 

126, 128, 129, 131, 132 

134, 135, 136, 137, 138 

139, 140, 142, 144, 145 

148, 151, 152, 156, 157 

158, 160, 162, 163, 164 

165, 166, 167, 171, 173 

196, 203, 208, 216, 217 

218, 219, 221, 223, 225 

232, 233, 234, 238, 239 

240, 241, 243, 248, 259 

263, 285, 287, 288 

76, 108 

Committee for New Poli- 
tics, 45 

Committee for Sane Nuclear 
Policy, 99 

Committee on Latin Amer- 
ican Solidarity, 260 

Committee to Abolish HU- 
AC. See National Com- 
mittee to Abolish HU- 

Communique for New Poli- 
tics, 266 

Communism and Christian- 
ity, 160 

Communist Controversy in 
Washington, 118 

Communist International, 34 

Communist Manifesto, 10 

tus, 125 

Communist Political Asso- 
ciation, 29 

Communist Secret Police, 

Communist Viewpoint, 117 

Community Council-Clare- 
mont, 20 

Community for New Poli- 
tics, 43, 44, 45, 47, 266 

Concentration Camps, U. S. 
A., 71 

Confederation of Iranian 
Students, 126 

Congress for General Dis- 
armament and Peace, 



i Leg- 

French UNEF, 201 
Friends Committee o 
islation, 89 
Friends of the Black Pan- 
thers, 70, 83, 232, 233, 
234, 235, 236, 237, 240, 

Fund for the Republic, 52 
Further on Labor Oppor- 
tunism, 165 


Gale, Peter L., 96, 106 
Gallagher, James, 80 
Gallagher, Leo, 261 
Galloway, Ed, 207 
Garaudy, Roger, 159, 160 
Garrett, Jim, 80 
Garry, Charles R„ 132, 233, 
238, 240 

Garson, Barbara, 44 
Geldman, Max, 220 
Geldman, Sherry, 220 
General Union of Palestini- 
an Students, 126 
George Washington Univer- 
sity, 202 

German Students Federa- 
tion, 201 

German Students for a Dem- 
ocratic Society, 201 
Gilbert, Keith D., 272 
Gitlow, Benjamin, 25, 140, 

GI’s Against War, 56 
GI’s and Vietnam Veterans 
Against the War, 53 
Gladstone, Charles, 68 
Glendale Anti-War Com- 
mittee, 20 

Glide Memorial Methodist 
Church, 104, 202 
Golash, Mike, 207 
Gold, Theodore, 211 
Goldblatt, Lou, 148 
Goldner, Sanford, 68 
Gonzales, Rep. Henry, 259 
Gonzales, Rudolfo “Corky,” 
186, 260 

Gooder, President LACC, 
199, 200 

Goodlett, Dr. Carlton, 43, 
238, 239, 261 
Gordan, Fred, 207 
Gottfried, Prof. Alex, 106 
Grapes of Wrath. 142 
Granada Hills Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Grassrooters Club, Demo- 
cratic Party, 89 
Gray, John, 221 
Great Enterprise, The, 171 
Greenblat, Professor Rob- 

Green, Gilbert, 157 
Gregory, Dick, 43 
Grimes, Odis N„ 234 
Gronemeier, Dale, 97, 100, 
101, 261 
Groppi, Fr., 32 
Gumaer, David E., 33, 34 
Guerilla Warfare, 243 
Guevara, Ernesto Che, 177, 
178, 259 


Haag, John, 48, 52, 57, 58, 
80, 84, 261 

117, 119, 120, 121, 122, 

125, 127, 136, 140, 148, 

152, 157, 158, 173, 174, 

175, 176 

Hall, Lorette, 97 

Hall, Martin, 24, 25, 27, 28, 

Hallinan, Conn, 

Hallinan, Michael, 71 
Hallinan, Terence, 132, 261 
Hallinan, Vincent, 71 
Halstead, Fred, 220 
Handin, Sharon, 220 
Hannon, Mike, 46 
Hansen, Anita, 220 
Hanson, Uda, 106 
Hare, Nathan, 239 
Harer, Kathie, 220 
Harris, Freeda, 97 
Harris, John, 84 
Harris, Lement, 167 
Harris, Mike, 103 
Hartman, Fanny, 138 
Harvard University, 96, 118, 

Hathaway, William, 69, 220, 


Hayden, Tom, 43, 195, 238 
Hayes, John, 181 
Healey, Don, 18, 22, 141 
Healey, Dorothy, 15, 22, 31, 
69, 70, 77, 78, 79, 80, 
141, 142, 144, 148, 149, 

150, 151, 153, 155, 156, 

157, 158, 159, 162, 178, 

237, 261 

Healey, Phillip, 162 
Health Sciences Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Hegel, German Philosopher, 

Hemispheric Conference to 
End the U.S. War in 
Vietnam, 31, 35 
Henderson, Hazel, 97 
Herendeen, Lee, 19 
Hermosa Beach Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Herzog, Edward J., 121 
Hewett, Raymond Masai, 
235, 237, 238, 239, 248 
Higgins, Mrs. Ernest, 97 
Highlander Research and 
Education Center, 106 
Highlands University, 221 
High School Students for a 

Hilliard, David, 238 
Hilliard, Roosevelt, 238 
Himmel, Robert, 179 
Hing, Alex, 265 

Participant. 217 
Hoffman, Arnold M., 247 
Hoffman, Federal Judge, 

Hollywood Hills Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Horn, Douglas, 265 
Hoover, J. Edgar, 85, 86, 
117, 171, 177, 196, 197, 

ees Union, 183 

House Internal Security 
Committee, 94, 102, 109’ 
House Subcommittee on Ap- 
propriations, 78, 85, 

116, 171, 209 

House Un-American Activ- 
ities Committee, 88, 89, 
91, 93, 94. 95, 96, 97, 
98, 101, 102, 103, 110, 
143, 185, 233 
Committee Reports 

April 3, 1959, 22, 29, 
30, 66 

May 3, 1961, 110 
October 1962, 111, 140 
November 2, 1962, 25 

April 26-27, 1962, 25 
October 10, 1962, 91 
July 12, 1964, 144, 147 
April 27-28, 1966, 144, 

National Committee to 
Abolish House Commit- 
tee on Un-American Ac- 
tivities, 28, 68, 69, 90 
Southern Californians to 
Abolish the House Un- 
American Activities 
Committee, 90 
Howard University, 84 
Hsinhua News Agency, 188, 
189, 190 

Hughes Aircraft Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Hughes, Rev. Hershel, 97 
Human Events, 207 
Humanist Association of 
Los Angeles, 20 
Humphrey, Vice President 
Hubert, 28 
Hutton, Bobby, 238 


Ice, Solon, 97 
I Confess, 141 
Ignatian, Noel, 240 
Imbrie, James, 93 
Independent High School 
Students, SDS, 50 
Independent Progressive 
Party, 46, 47, 58, 193, 

Independent Students Un- 

Indepen'dent Voters of Illi- 
nois, 97 

Independent Young Demo- 
crats of San Fernando 
Valley, 20 
Igniton, Knoll, 207 
Inner Hollywood Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Inquiry, 247 

Institute of Red Professors, 

Insurgent, 135 
International Association of 
Democratic Workers, 

International Bookstore, 

149, 151 

International Juridicial As- 
sociation, 126 

International Labor De- 
fense, 67, 108 
International Liberation 
School, 238 

International Longshore- 
men's and Warehouse- 
men’s Union. 107, 161 
International Red Aid, 67 
International Student Un- 
ion, 84, 126, 127 
International Trade Union 
Congress, 29 



International Workers of 
the World, 95 
International Workers Or- 
der, 141, 233 

Iowa City Committee to 
Abolish HUAC/HISC, 
. 98, 105 

Iron Cross Motorcycle Club, 
56, 72 

Ish-Kishor, Nehemiah, 29 
Iskra, 182 
Israel, Jarad, 207 
1SU News Service, 127 

Jackson, Charles, 93 
Jackson, James, 32 
Jackson, L. H., 97 
Jacobs, John, 197, 211 
Jacobs, Karl Adolf Rudolf 
Herman, 25 
Jacobs, Paul, 46, 52 
Japanese Zengakuren, 126, 

Jenkins, David L., 131 
Jerome, Fred, 181 
Jeter, Howard, 44 
Jeunesse/Communiste Rev- 
olutionaire, 223 
Johansen, Mr., 139 
John Birch Society, 271 
John Burroughs Junior 
High School, 132 
Johnson, Arnold, 30, 32, 

43, 37 

Jehnsen, David, 97, 104 
Johnson, Dorothy, 106 
Johnson, Eric, 189 
Johnson, President L. B., 
43, 45, 46 

Johnson, Prof. Michael, 97 
Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee 


Kaffke, Roberto, 130, 131 
Kahn, Stephen J., 131 
Kajiwara, Ted, 265 
Kalish, Prof. Donald, 27, 
28, 33, 71, 92, 261 
Kamin, Chester, 97 
Kaplan, Herman, 167 
Karenga, Ron, 235, 246 
Kaufman, Daniel, 104 
Keating, Edward, 239 
Kennedy, Attorney General 
Robert F., 30, 123, 124 
Kennedy, President John, 

Kenny, Judge Robert W., 

68, 89, 90, 93, 101 
Kerney, John, 97 
Khruschev, Nikita, Chair- 
man, 124, 129, 130, 150, 
156, 157 

Kight, Morris, 16, 71 
King, George Joseph Jr., 


Kinoy, Prof. Arthur, 102 
Kinsella, Marjorie, 97 
Kissinger, C. Clark, 43 
Klonsky, Mike, 28, 31, 102, 
103, 200, 206, 207, 208 
Klonsky, Robert, 28, 31 
Koehl, Mattias, Jr., 277 
Konigsberg, Raphael, 18, 
22, 25, 27, 28, 37, 89, 

Krieger, James, 104 
Krieger, Rebecca, 103 
Ku Klux Klan, 11, 109, 270, 

Kunken, Art, 84 
Kunstler, William, 102, 204, 
238, 239, 240, 243 
Kurzweil, Bettina Aptheker, 
See also Aptheker, Bet- 
tina, 79, 89 
Kushner, Sam, 32 
Kusnitz, Rose Chernin. See 
also Chernin, Rose, 66, 
67, 68 

Labor Assembly for Peace, 

Labors’ Non-Partisan 
League, 22 

Labor Youth League, 19, 

23, 134, 135 

Lake Forest College, 96, 

98, 99 

La Libert6 en Sursis, 159 
Lambert, Rude, 148 
Landau, Saul, 44 
Landish, Vicki, 18, 19 
Lanea College, 220 
Lapin, Nora B., 131 
La Rasa, 259, 260, 261 
Laski, Michael, Issac, 241, 
247, 248, 259 

Lancks, Irvine, 80 
Lauchli, Richard, 272 
Lawson, John Howard, 68, 
80, 84, 89 
Lea, Dave, 277 
League, Arthur D., 234 
Legitimate Ways, 264 
League for Industrial 
Democracy, 195, 196 
Lee, Deanne, 265 
Lee, Sheldon, 265 
LeMau, David, 97 
Lenin, 216 
Lenin School, 120 
Lenske, Rubin, 97, 105 
Lens, Sidney, 97 
Levin, John, 180, 187 
Levine, Isaac Don, 216 
Lew, Leland, 265 
Lew, William, 265 
Lewis, John, 93 
Liberation News Service, 

Lima, Albert, 47, 135, 136, 
141, 142, 143, 148, 149, 
150, 165, 182, 183, 185 
Lima, Helen Corbin, 183 
Lima, Mike, 136 
Lincoln,. Wesley, 207 
Lippman, Stephen, 206 
Liveright, Betty, 106 
Liveright, Herman, 106 
Lockshin, Arnold, 97, 100 
Long Beach Citizens for 

Faculty Peace Com- 
mittee, 50 

Long Beach Womens Inter- 
national Strike for 
Peace, 50 
Longiaru, Jo, 97 
Lopez, Juan Carlos, 104 
Los Angeles Art Theater, 

Los Angeles Committee for 
Defense of Bill of 
Rights. See also Com- 
mittee for Defense of 
Bill or Rights, 20, 29, 
53, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 
101, 103, 235, 259 
Los Angeles Committee for 
Protection of Foreign 
Born, 29, 66 

Los Angeles Communist 
School, 261 

Los Angeles Federation of 
Teachers, 162 

Los Angeles Free Press, 84 
Los Angeles Friends of the 
Minority of One, 21 
Los Angeles Herald Exam- 
iner, 178 

Los Angeles Jewish Culture 
and Fraternal Order, 

Los Angeles Police Depart- 
ment, 30, 56, 202, 236, 
248, 260, 262 
Los Angeles Socialist 
Party, 80 

Los Angeles State College, 
72, 84, 202 

Los Angeles Times, 51, 56, 
84, 92, 157, 158, 171, 
197, 207, 212, 272, 275 
Los Angeles Valley College, 

Los Feliz Peace and Free- 
dom Club, 54 
Losovsky, Solomon, 14 
Lozada, Froben, 221 
Luce, Prof. David R., 97, 

Luci, Fr. John, 258 
Lysenko, Trofim Deniso- 
vich, 155, 156 


MacDougall, Prof. Curtis, 


Machete, 262 
Maiman, Richard J., 98 
Malibu Discussion and 
Action Group, 21 
Maltz, Albert, 89 
Mandel, Pierre, 69, 181, 260 
Mandel, Seymour, 69 
Manes, Hugh, 52, 80 
Mangancilla, Eric, 263 
Manhattan Beach Peace 
and Freedom Club, 54 
Manning, Robert A., 247 
Mao Tse-tung. See also 
Sayings of Chairman 
Mao and see - Commu- 
nist Party, Maoist, 81, 
83, 121, 122, 180, 187, 
188, 190, 224, 242, 248, 

Mao Tse-tung on Peoples 
War, 188, 265 
Marcuse, Herbert, 78, 79 
Marine Cooks and Stew- 
ards, 162 
Mark, Maren, 265 
Marshall, Daniel G., 91, 101 
Marshall, Dorothy, 68, 70, 
89, 90, 92, 93, 98, 100, 

Marx, Karl, 133, 172, 173, 
177, 248 

Marxism Today, 224 
Massachusetts Committee 
to Abolish HUAC, 96, 
97, 98 

Matchinger, Howard, 207, 



Maynes, John, 220 
Mazey, Ernest, 98 
McCabe, Mike, 27, 28, 


McGill, Horace. 98 
McGowan, James, 142 
McGrath, Fr. F.J., 98, 104 
McTernin, John, 132 
McWilliams, Carey, 43 
Medard, Edward, 235 
Medical Committee for Hu- 
man Rights, 105 
Meiklejohn, Alexander, 93 
Melton, James, 98 
Mercader, Ramon, 218 
Mercer, Ann, 98 
Mercer, Lyle, 98, 100, 106 
Merritt College, 220, 238, 

Mexican-American Political 
Association, 261 
Mexican-American Social 
Service, 257 
Meyer, Sandy, 207 
Meyers, Darrel, 80 
Meyers, George, 105, 106 
Michigan State University, 
95, 202,' 206 
Michelich, Francis, 98 
Milburn, James, 99 
Militant Labor Forum, 241 
Militant, The, 219, 221, 222 
Miller, Jay, 98 
Miller, Jim, 220 
Miller, Patti, 98 
Miller, Susan, 98 
Mind of An Assassin, 216 
Mini, Norman, 108 
Minnesota v. Halberg, 121 
Minutemen, 11, 109, 271, 

272, 273, 274 

Mission Tenants Union, 179 
Monjar, Elsie, 148 
Montez, Carlos, 258, 263 
Montgomery, Ed, 265, 266 
Montreal Star, 31 
Mooney, Tom, Labor 
School, 77 
MOPR, 67 
Moreno, Al, 44 
Morgan, Donna, 98 
Moritz, Ed, 84 
Morray, Prof. Joseph, 88 
Morris, Robert S., 91, 101 
Morrisroe, Fr. Richard, 98 
Mosgofian, Dennis, 179 
Movement to Abolish House 
of Representatives 
Committee on Internal 
Security, 33 
Muench, Ruth, 98 
Mumma, Rev. Richard, 98 
Munich Institute for Study 
of USSR, 126 
Murphy, Senator George, 


Murphy, W. A. Company, 


NACLA, 201 

Nathan, Prof. Leonard, 101 
National States Rights 
Party, 270 
Naked God, 151 
National Association for 
the Advancement of 
Colored People, 97, 229, 
230, 244 

National Committee of the 
Communist Party, 45 

National Committee to 
Abolish HUAC/HISC. 
See also Southern/ 
Northern Californians 
to abolish HUAC/HISC 
and see Communist 
Party, 92, 93, 94, 95, 
96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 

102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 
107, 108, 110, 111, 112, 
113, 114, 115 
National Conference for 
New Politics, 43, 44 
National Council of Colum- 
bian Youth, 126 
National Defence Commit- 
tee, 53 

National Guardian, 79, 82 
National High School 
Newsletter, 205, 206 
National Lawyers Guild, 

71, 89, 95 

National Liberation Front, 
35, 36, 198, 207 
National Mobilization Com- 
mittee to End War in 
Vietnam, 27, 32, 103 
National Office Group, 208 
National Review, 46, 288 
National Socialist White 
Peoples Party, 277 
National Union of Students 
of Brazil, 126 

Native Daughters, the Story 
of Anita Whitney, 140 
Neil, Rev. Earl, 240 
New Class, The, 151 
New Crises in European 
Communism, 160 
New Labor School, 80 
New Left Notes, 198, 199 
New Left School, 69, 77, 79, 
80, 81, 82, 85, 87, 131 
New Mobilization Commit- 
tee, 31 

New Program of the Com- 
munist Party. U.S.A., 

News Agency, Hong Kong, 

News and Views, 36 
News Service Bulletins, 126 
Newton-Cleaver Defense 
Committee, 71, 233 
Newton, Huey, 49, 71, 231, 

Newton, Melvin, 71 
New Worker, 241, 24S 
New York Council to Abol- 
ish HU AC, 93 
New York Times, 79, 92, 


Ng, Marilyn, 265 
Nicaraguan Liberation 
Front, 131 

Nielands, Professor J. B., 


Nineteenth Convention : a 
Turning Point, 165 
Nixon, Russ, 98 
Non- Aggression Pact, 18 
Non-Partisan Committee 
for Defense, 111 
Norbeck, Betty, 98 
Norberg, Douglas, 198 
Norris, Dick, 277 
North California American 
Jewish Congress, 89 
Northern Californians to 
Abolish HUAC/HISC, 
97, 98, 99, 103, 104 
Northeast Area Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Northeast Peace Commit- 
tee, 21 

North Hollywood Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
North Vietnamese National 
Liberation Front, 36 
Northwestern University, 


Not by Bread Alone, 150 


Oakland High School, 220 
Oakland Tribune, 46, 47, 48 
Obenhaus, Prof. Victor, 98 
Ocean Park Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
O’Connor, Jesse, 406 
O’Connor, Harvey, 33, 93, 
95, 99, 106, 111 
Office of Economic Oppor- 
tunity, 96 

Ohio State University, 105 
Olympic-Fairfax Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Operation Abolition, 88 
Orange County Committee 
to End the War, 21 
Orange County Peace and 
Freedom Club, 54 
Orange County Peace and 
Human Rights Council, 
20, 21 

Oregon Committee to Abol- 
ish HUAC/HISC, 97, 

Orlikoff, Richard, 99 
Ostrofsky, Charles, 99 
Our Lady of Angels Roman 
Catholic Church, 98 
Overstreet, Dr. H. A., 171 


Pacific Historical Review, 

Palmer, Jerry, 69, 84, 260 
Pan American Airways, 184 
Pancho Villa Peaee and 
Freedom Club, 55 
Panther Medical Adjust- 
ment Group, 240 
Party Affairs, 83, 131, 135, 
163, 263 

Pasadena-Altadena Peace 
and Freedom Club, 55 
Pasadena Emergency Coun- 
cil, 21 

Pasternak, Boris, 150 
Pastry Cooks and Kitchen 
Employees Union, 108 
Patler, John, 276 
Patten, Dr. Jack, 233 
Patterson, Leonard, 120, 


Patterson, William L., 242 
Pattison, William E., 276, 

Peace Action Council, 13, 
15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 
30, 32, 35, 36, 38, 39, 
40, 41, 42, 50, 51, 53, 
55, 66, 69, 70, 81, 128, 
134, 186, 260 

Peace Action Council By- 
Laws, 24 

Peace and Freedom Com- 
munications Center, 55 
Peace and Freedom Party, 
21, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 
48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 
55, 56, 57,. 58, 60, 61, 
62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 69, 
143, 220. 222, 223, 233 
Peace and Freedom Party 
Clubs, 50, 54. 55, 59, 
69, 70, 84, 232 



Peace Happenings, 17, 21 
Peace Organization in Los 
Angeles, 22 
Pearl, Ed, 237 
Pearl, Sherman, 52 
Peck, Prof. Sidney, 103 
Peet, Rev. Edward L., 93, 
' 99, 100, 103, 104 
Peking Review , 122 
Pennington, John, 2Q7 
Peoples, Reed, 99 
Peoples Voice, 248 
Peoples World, 25, 30, 44, 
46, 47, 85, 100, 142, 
157, 163, 167, 184, 219, 
260, 261 

Perez, Alfonso, 261 
Pestana, Frank, 49, 69, 82, 

Peterson, Bertha, 106 
Peterson, Frank, 106 
Petter, Dan R., 220 
Peyson, Walter P., 275 
Phelps, Larry, 178 
Philbrick, Howard, 137 
Physicians for Social Re- 
sponsibility, 19, 21 
Pickett, Clarence, 93 
Pico-Crenshaw Peace and 
Freedom Club, 55 
Pilkey, Rev. Douglas, 35 
Political Affairs, 37, 44, 45, 
84, 122, 125, 127, 133, 
151, 152, 160, 165, 166, 
167, 203, 223, 242, 285, 

Political Parties, 26 
Pomona Valley Peace and 
Freedom Club, 55 
Ponomarev, Yuri, 126 
Porter, Charles, 105 
Porter, John, 69 
Porto Rican University 
Federation, 26 
Powell, Jean, 243 
Powell, Larry, 243 
Proctor, Roscoe, 46, 47, 

148, 240 

Progressive Bookstore, 149, 
150, 151, 152, 159, 243 
Progressive Labor, 184, 187 
Progressive Labor Forums, 

Progressive Labor Move- 
ment, 177 

Progressive Labor Party, 
11, 13, 50, 83, 84, 85, 
127, 135, 172, 177, 178, 

179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 

185, 186, 188, 189, 190, 

192, 193, 194, 195, 206, 

207, 208, 217, 233, 234, 

237, 238, 239, 241, 248, 

283, 287, 288 

Progressive Labor Society, 

Progressive Youth Organiz- 
ing Committee, 135 
Prostein, Jesse, 99, 104 


Quan, Wing, 265 


Raby, Albert A., 99 
Radical Student Union, 202 
Radio Free Dixie, 243 
Raisner, Chris, 180 
Ramirez, Ralph, 258, 263 
Ramparts Magazine, 43, 


Ray, Dorothy, 22 
Readers Digest, 125 

Reagan, Gov. Ronald, 5' 
101, 262 

Realpolitical Institutions, 

Red Trade Union Inter- 
national, 141 

Revolutionary Union, 265, 

Revolutionary Youth Move- 
ment I, 208 

Revolutionary Youth Move- 

Richmond, Al, 144, 148 
Riley, Barbara, 207 
Report to Central of Com- 
munist Party of the 
Soviet Union, 129 
Republic Steel Corporation, 

Reseda Peace and Freedom 
Club, 55 

Restorucci, Roque, 136 
Revis, Becky, 207 
Revolutionary Action Move- 
ment, 243, 245, 246 
Revolutionary Process, The, 

Ridenour, Ron, 82, 84, 220, 
237, 247, 260 
Robbins, Terry, 211 
Roberts, Dennis J., 103 
Rockwell, George Lincoln, 

183, 185 
Romines, Steve, 106 
Ronstadt, Robert C., 91, 

Roosevelt University, 99 
Rosebury, Amy, 99 
Rosebury, Prof. Theodore, 

Rose, Don, 99 
Rosenberg, Ethel, 234 
Rosenberg, Julius, 234 
Rosenberg, Rose, 69, 70 
Rosen, Milton, 176 
Rosenthal, Louis B., 99 
Ross, John, 179, 181 
ROTC, 210 

Rother, Rev. Charlie, 108 
Roth, Norman, 99 
Rothenberg, Don, 43 
Rothschild, Miriam, 100 
Rottger, Betty, 28, 37, 68, 
70, 89, 90, 91, 100 
Rottger, Kenneth, 70, 72, 

Rowan, James, 103, 105 
Rubin, Daniel, 132, 133, 
136, 165 

Rubin, Jerry, 16, 46 
Rudd. Mark, 207, 211 
Rudnick, Judith, 99, 100 
Ruiz, Ranel, 260 
Rumford, William Byron, 

Rush, Bob, 238 
Rusk, Dean, 48 
Russell, Ralph, 99, 108 
Russell, Bertrand, 219 
Russell, David, 207 
Russell, Margaret, 108 
Rutgers University, 102 


Sabotage, 211 
Sacred Heart Church, S.F., 

Salazar, Antonio, 168 
Sallese, Yves, 223 
Salve, Jeanette, 19 
Sampson, Professor. 284, 

Samuelson, Fred, 108 
Sanchez, David, 258, 263 
SANE Trade Union 
Committee, 19 
San Fernando State 
College, 43, 234 
San Fernando Valley 

Committee of Concern, 

San Fernando Valley 
State College, 79 
San Francisco Chronicle, 


San Francisco Examiner, 
46, 207, 265 
San Francisco Police 
Department, 265 
San Francisco Polytechnic 
High School, 220 
San Francisco Socialist 
Campaign Committee, 
179, 181 

221, 223, 239 
San Francisco State 
University, 132 
San Gabriel Valley 

Emergency Council, 21 
San Gabriel Valley 

San Luis Obispo 
Convention, 44 
Santa Anita Peace and 
Freedom Club, 55 
Santa Monica High School 
Peace and Freedom 
Club, 55 

Sarnoff, Irving, 15, 16, 22,- 
23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 

31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 

56, 69, 92, 128, 148, 

260, 261 

Savio, Mario, 33, 49 
Sawyer, Rev. Paul, 80 
Sayer, Bob, 106 
Sayer, Irma, 106 
Sayings of Chairman Mao, 
188, 233, 237, 248 
Sheer Campaign Docu- 

56, 261, 266 
Scherer, Mr., 139 
Schneider, Anita, 91 
Schneiderman, William, 141 
Schoenman, Ralph, 219 
Schon, Mike, 48 
Schrieber, Dennis, 99 
Schultz, Harold, 69, 260 
Schurmann, Professor 
Franz, 44 

Schwartz, Robert, 99 
Scott, Arthur, 120, 121 
Seale, Bobby, 33, 231’, 238; 
239, 241 

Seidman, Pete, 220 
Selected Works, Karl and 
Engel, 129 

Selective Service System, 
201, 209 

Senate Internal Security 
Subcommittee. See also 
Committee to Abolish 
HUAC/HISC, 102, 121, 
137, 202, 203, 246 



Senate Internal Subcom- 
mittee Report, 137 
Senate Internal Subcommit- 
tee Transcripts on 
Riots, Civil and Crimi-. 
nal Disorders, 243 
Severeid, Eric, 123 
Shaffer, Ralph E., 140 
Shafran, Eva, 261 
Shandler, Esther, 69 
Shapiro, Dr. Philip, 238, 240 
Shapiro, Vic, 90 
Shasta Junior College, 79 
Sherman Oaks Peace and 
Freedom Club, 65 
Shinoff, Paul, 200 
Siegel, Henry, 99 
Siegel, Loren, 105 
Significant Labor Confer- 
ence, 166 
Silver, Sophie, 23 
Silverstein, Marcia, 16 
Sisco, Don, 277 
Siskind, Michael, 210 
SLATE, 45, 87, 89 
Slater, Morton, 184 
Smale, Professor Stephen, 


Smith, Don, 80 
Smith, Gerald L. K., 109 
Snider, Terry, 105 
Social Action Committee, 
United Church of 
Christ, 97 
Social Alliance, 55 
Socialist Party, 21, 58, 116, 
140, 179, 181, 217 
Socialist Workers for 
Peace, 21, 56 
Socialist Workers Party, 

11, 13, 20, 21, 47, 50, 
52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 80, 
127, 171, 179, 180, 195, 

216, 217, 171, 179, 180, 

195, 216, 217, 218, 219, 

220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 

225, 226, 227, 228, 233, 

234, 238, 241 

Somlyo, Francois, 108 
Sonoma State College, 220 
Sophocles, Greek Philoso- 
pher, 10 

Soroka, Walter, 104 
Southern California Free- 
dom Council, 272 
Southern California Peace 
Crusade, 18 

Southern Californians to 
Abolish HUAC/HISC, 
95, 98, 103 

Southern Christian Leader- 
ship Conference, 96, 97, 
98, 99, 100 
Southern Committee 

Against Repression, 

103, 105 

Southern Conference Edu- 
cational Fund, 15, 95, 
100, 103, 105 

South Bay Peace Council, 

Southern Californians to 
Abolish HU AC, 92 
Southern Illinois Univer- 
sity, 206 

Southland Jewish Organiza- 
tion, 21 

South Pasadena-San 
Marino Peace and 
Freedom Club, 55 
Southwest Council of La 
Raza, 258 

Southwest Junior College, 
199, 200 

Souvarine, Boris, 216 

Sparks, Nemray, 16, 29, 69, 

148, 237, 260 ... 

Spark: Western Voice for Teachers for Peace in Viet- 
Revolution, 181, 182, nam, 21 

Teaching Assistants Union, 

Techniques of Soviet Prop- 
aganda, 170 

Third World Liberation 
Front, 221, 222 
Thirteen Days, A Memoir 
of the Cuban Missile 
Crisis, 124 

Thomas Jefferson Club, 198 
Thompson, Howard, 143, 

Thompson, Mrs. Howard, 
143, 146 

Thorpe, Margaret, 80 

.51, 159, 207 
Speegle, Michael, 211 
Speiser, Lawrence, 108 
Spiegel, Jack, 99 
Spock, Dr. Benjamin, 32 
Stachel, Jack, 148 
Stalin: A Critical Survey of 

150, 155, 216, 217, 222 
Standing Rules of the Sen- 
ate, 6 

Stanislaus State College, 79 
Stanford University, 202, 

State Department of Em- 
ployment, 159 

State Relief Administration, 


State Rights Party, 11, 109, 
270, 271, 275 
Statewide Conference for 
New Politics, 261 
St. Augustine’s Episcopal 
Church, 238, 240 

Committee, 120 
Stein, Mike, 157 
Steiner, Philip, 2 47 
Sterns, Robbie, 210 
Stewart, Bob, 199 
St. Finbarr Roman Catholic 
Church, 98 

Stop the Draft Committee, 

Tom, Clifford, 265 
Tookas, Steve, 265 
Topanga Peace and Free- 
dom Club, 55 
Tournour, Eugene, 32, 100 
Trade Unionists for Peace, 
19, 21 

Trans World Airlines, 183, 
185, 246 

Travel Associates, 184 
Travenner, Mr., 139 
Travis, Helen Simon, 85 
Travis, Robert C., 85 
Treiger, Marvin, 84 

Trinity Methodist Church 

Committee on Christian 
St. Louis Globe-Democrat, Social Relations, 89 

271 Trouvig, Paul, 277 

Trotskyist Militant Labor 
Forum, 69 

Trotsky, Leon. See also 
Communist Party- 
Trotskyist, 14, 171, 173. 
216, 217, 218, 222 
Trotskyist Socialist Work- 
ers Party, 17 
Tshombe, Moise, 169 
Tucson Daily Citizen, 259 
Tyner, Jarvis, 32, 135, 136 

Stuart, Beatrice M., 105 

Students Civil Liberties 
Union, 89 

Students for a Democratic 
Society, 14, 15, 16, 20, 
21, 27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 
43, 50, 69, 80, 83, 84, 
85, 98, 99, 103, 107, 127, 
128, 135, 171, 181, 187, 
195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 
200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 
"IS, 209, 210, 211, 

83, 234 
Sutter, Irvin H.. Jr., 220 
Swanson, Edmonia, 105 

Tabbert, Naomi, 99 
Tackett, Marnesba, 99 
Taylor, Dr. Councill S„ 247 

Uhrin, John, 72 

DMAS, 199 

Unitarian Fellowship for 
Social Justice. See 
also First Unitarian 
Church, 24, 25, 89 

United Auto Workers 
Union, 99 

United Church of Christ, 

United Civil Rights Coun- 

United Electrical Workers, 
96, 162 

United Farm Workers, 15, 
132, 144, 145, 240, 262, 

United Federal Workers, 

United Methodist Church 
Northern Illinois Confer- 
ence, 104 

United Mine, Mill and 

Smelter Workers, 162 
United Office and Profes- 
sional Workers, 162 



United Packing House 
Workers of America, 

99, 110 

United Service Employees 
Union, 97 

United Shoe Workers 
Union, 99 

University of Buffalo, 206 
University of California, 
Academic Senate, 124 
University of California at 

Varela, Delfino, 148, 258, 


Venice Peace and Freedom 
Club, 55 

Veterans for Peace in Viet- 
pam, 13, 50, 53 
Veterans of the Abraham 
Lincoln Brigade, 21 
Vietnam Courier, 37 

tion, 19, 22, 103 
Womens International 

Democratic Federation, 

Vietnam Summers, 21 
Vietnam Veterans against 
the War, 53, 56 
Vincent, Allen, 276, 277, 

University of California at 
Los Angeles 27, 79, 84, 
198, 202, 246, 247 
University of California at 
Santa Barbara, 203 
University of Chicago, 16, 
104, 206 

University of Colorado, 202 
University of Connecticut, 

University of Delaware, 210 
University of Detroit, 202 
University of Michigan, 

Vincent, Helen, 106 
Vincent, Prof. Walter S., 
93, 100, 106 
VISTA, 104 
Vivian, Octavia, 99 
Vivian, Rev. C. T., 93, 99, 

Wallace, Gov. George C., 

University of the Pacific, 

University of Washington, 

eration of Peru, 126 
Unruh, Jesse, 57 
“US”, 246, 247 

U.S. Army Institute for 

Advanced Russian Re- 
search, 126 

U.S. Customs Service, 168, 

U.S. Department of Labor, 

U.S. Department of State, 

U.S. Immigration Service, 

Warren, Earl, C. J„ 171 

Wayne University, 202 
Weatherman Faction. !: 
also Revolutionary 
Youth Movement I, 

Weinberg, Jack, 44, 46, 52 

West, Bart, 277 
Western Reserve Univer- 
sity, 103 

Western Washington State 
College, 201 

West Los Angeles Peace 

Freedom, 19, 21, 89, 97, 

Womens Strike for Peace, 
19, 22, 107 
Woo, Leland, 265 
Woo, Sadie, 265 
Wood, Michael, 43 
Woods, Roberta, 136 
Woolf, Bill, 108 
Workers Liberation League, 

Workers Monthly, 67 
Workers Schools, 29, 77 
Workers World Party, 171 
Worker, The, 78, 219 
World Conference of Com- 
munist and Workers 
Parties, 122 

World Federation of Demo- 

cratic Youth, 126 
World Federation of Scien- 
tific Workers, 128 
World Federation of Trade 
Unions, 126, 128 
World Marxist Review, 129, 

World Peace Assembly, 30 
World Peace Council, 25, 
31, 128 

World Seminar on National 
Liberation, 127 
World-Wide Communist 
Propaganda Activities, 

World-Wide Communist 
Trade Union Move- 
ment, 125 

World-Wide Communist 
Youth Movement, 125 
World Youth Festival, 201 

mittee, 169 
U.S. Senate Subcommittee 
on Internal Security, 


U.S. State Department, 246 
U.S. Supreme Court, 171 
U.S. Treasury Department, 

United Steel Workers of 
America, 107 
United White Party, 270 
Universities, Commentary, 

Emergency Council, 21 
West Side Committee of 
Concern, 20 

West Side Committee of 
Concern on Vietnam 
Council, 21 
Wheeldin, Don, 80 
Wheeler, Fred, 235 
Wheeler, Harvey, 80 
White American, 272 
Whitney, Anita, 140 
Wilkerson, Catherine, 211 

Yale University, 96, 104 
Young Citizens for Commu- 
nity Action, 250 
Young Communist Interna- 
tional, 134 

Young Communist League, 
18, 83, 110, 119, 134, 


Vietnam, 19, 21 

list Church, 80 

102, 104, 108, 110) 111) Young Socialist, The, 219 
139 222 

Young, Whitney, 245 
Young Workers Liberation 
League, 136 

Youth Educational Defense 
Committee, 56 
Youth Group, Socialist 
Workers Party, 172 
Yuba College, 221 
Yueff, Mike, 237, 260 

Williams, Aubrey, 88, 89, 

Williams, Franklin H., 229, 

Williams, Robert F., 243, 
244, 245 

Wilshire-Westlake Peace 
and Freedom Clubs, 55 
Winter, Carl, 30 
Wisconsin Civil Liberties 
Union, 108 
Wofsy, Leon, 32, 78 
Wolf, Pat, 221, 222